Category Archives: Labour

‘End of Term’ Reflections for Labour

The highs and lows of the first parliamentary year

In its first year since winning the 2024 general election, Starmer’s government has shown intent to implement its manifesto pledges, but whether this has translated into successful policy delivery remains a subject of debate. Ministers have pursued ambitious reforms in areas like trade, education, health, and energy, but they have also faced political turbulence and criticism over policy missteps, particularly around tax, grooming gangs and welfare reform.

Crucially, the government seems to be unable to unlock that elusive growth on which so much of its spending plans depend.  Much of Labour’s policy programme is still in its early stages, with a strong emphasis on structural reform in Whitehall and long-term planning which should be commended. However, this emphasis leaves the government with few immediate wins to show the public and, with key reforms still light on detail and outcomes, questions are already mounting about the government’s effectiveness.

On the international stage, however, the Prime Minister has emerged as a confident statesman. His handling of the Trump presidency, securing of trade deals with the US, EU and India, and continuation of the UK’s support for Ukraine have won praise both at home and abroad. This has helped to re-establish Britain’s role as a serious global actor – although notably absent of any meaningful involvement from foreign secretary David Lammy.

Domestically, there has been modest progress on housing and NHS waiting times, but delivery has been hampered by fiscal constraints. But domestic policy also reveals some of the sharpest criticism. The removal of the Winter Fuel Payment from millions of pensioners, presented as a necessary fiscal decision, sparked major backlash and a messy U-turn. The electorate does not expect these sorts of economic decisions from a Labour government, which has resulted in widespread reputational damage from a policy that seems to contradict Labour’s core identity. The increase in employer National Insurance contributions (NICs) has also been poorly received, with concerns over its impact on jobs and wages. On immigration, growing public unease and the government’s mixed messaging has opened space for Nigel Farage’s Reform UK to gain traction and control the narrative.

Overall, the government has had a mixed first year. There was no political honeymoon, with downbeat messaging on the economy, the early ‘freebies scandal’ and unpopular welfare cuts undermining any prospect of ministers picking up some early momentum. Coupled with a challenging economic backdrop, rising support for Reform UK and the geopolitical volatility exacerbated by Trump’s return to power, the need for a recalibration of political and policy strategy is becoming clear. The government’s commitment to its manifesto is not in doubt, but turning that commitment into visible, meaningful results is the test that now lies ahead.

Labour and the business & investor community: a genuine partnership for growth?

Courting investors and businesses was a key part of Labour’s pre-election pitch. The Prime Minister and Chancellor were keen to demonstrate the party’s credibility on the economy and support investment into the UK as part of its wider growth ‘mission’. However, in government, Rachel Reeves used her first fiscal event – the 2024 autumn budget – to increase employer NICs by 1.2%, representing a £25 billion tax hike on businesses. This came alongside increases to Capital Gains Tax and the National Living Wage. The latter measure has been particularly costly for businesses with a large proportion of low paid workers on their payroll.

While the government argued this was necessary to address the fiscal ‘black hole’ it inherited from the outgoing Conservatives and to boost support for low-paid workers, it has done little to inspire confidence in the business and investment community. Indeed, GK Strategic Advisers and former ministers David Laws and Rob Halfon both warn that the employer NICs rise has been particularly damaging to the government. This is despite early positive decisions on infrastructure and commitments to speed up planning processes. Since last year’s budget, ministers have been playing catch up in their efforts to restore confidence amongst businesses and stimulate private investment at a time when geopolitical uncertainty is threatening to wreak havoc on the global economy.

President Trump’s ‘Liberation Day’ announcement on 2 April, which saw his administration unveil sweeping global tariffs, was a watershed moment and one which Starmer deftly navigated. The US-UK Economic Prosperity Deal sees the UK sidestep many of the Trump’s tariffs and, amongst other provisions, allows UK car manufacturers to sell vehicles to the US at a 10% tariff rate and cuts tariffs on UK aerospace exports to zero.

Despite Starmer’s success on the international stage, challenges lie ahead for the government in its relationship with businesses and investors. The Employment Rights Bill is due to complete its passage through Parliament in the autumn. The legislation introduces a new package of workers’ rights, including day one employment rights, ending the use of certain zero hours contracts and improving access to flexible working arrangements. Many of the measures contained in the bill will be subject to further consultation with businesses over the coming months. It is vital that the government gets the eventual implementation of these reforms right to avoid any further damage to its relationship with the business and investment community.

As parliament rises for summer recess and we take stock of the government’s first full parliamentary year, it is fair to say that the public-private partnership for growth that Labour first envisaged when it came to power has not yet materialised. As put by GK Strategic Adviser and former Health Minister Steve Brine: “The growth mission, which sits at heart of the government’s plan to get re-elected, has been hampered by uncertainty from the shifting taxation landscape and the many reviews and consultations that are yet to translate into firm policy direction.”

Starmer will need to translate the success he has found on the international stage to his domestic agenda if he hopes to bring businesses and investors back on side and enable them to deliver the economic growth upon which so much of his government’s policy agenda relies.

The ‘ones to watch’

Westminster has been speculating for several months as to whether the Prime Minister will instigate a cabinet reshuffle before the end of 2025. Though it may seem like a distant prospect, many are already keeping an eye on some Labour MPs who could be next in line for promotion.

Peter Kyle MP: With experience as a former Special Adviser in the last Labour government, Kyle is a slightly more seasoned voice in the Labour ranks than other rising stars. Described by Steve Brine as “hugely gifted”, the Science and Tech Secretary has consistently impressed, particularly in his initiative to coordinate a unified cross-government approach to data, digital and AI, and as a talented and dependable ‘Minister for the Morning Round’.

Torsten Bell MP: Formerly the chief executive of the Resolution Foundation and a Labour party aide during the 2008 financial crisis, Bell knows the ins and outs of policy, economics and politics. Though a fresh-faced Labour MP, part of the 2024 intake, he is already holding ministerial positions across both HM Treasury and the Department for Work and Pensions, and is expected to continue to rise through the ranks.

Miatta Fahnbulleh MP: Taking over the seat Harriet Harman represented since 1982 was no small feat, but Fahnbulleh has not disappointed. Like Bell, Fahnbulleh was elected in July 2024 and was immediately appointed to a junior ministerial role. A former Cabinet Office official and CEO of the New Economics Foundation, her experience has made her a capable MP and minister. Her reputation for going above and beyond has not gone unnoticed, with David Laws remarking she is “a bright junior minister who has already impressed her colleagues”.

Josh MacAlister MP: Otherwise known as education and social care’s ‘golden child’, MacAlister entered parliament with a reputation that precedes him. MacAlister was chosen by the Conservative government to conduct an eponymous review of children’s social care in 2021. Now serving as the parliamentary private secretary to Pat McFadden – one of the government’s most instrumental figures – MacAllister has been carefully watching the recommendations of his review being implemented through the Children’s Wellbeing and Schools Bill. He is certainly proving himself to be successful campaigner and capable MP.

The next 12 months, and beyond…

For David Laws, the priority for the next 12 months is “growth”. The Chancellor faces the daunting task of stabilising the public finances while avoiding tax rises in the autumn. However, recent briefings suggest that tax rises, particularly on higher earners, seem inevitable unless economic performance improves. Her Mansion House Speech set out Reeves’ plans to unlock growth in the financial services sector, while trade deals struck signal an important first step towards a more outward-facing agenda. A more pragmatic approach to Europe, while politically fraught, remains a low-cost, pro-business lever available to the government to recover some of the growth lost post-Brexit.

Another priority is the ‘retail offer’ that helped Labour win in 2024: NHS reform. Steve Brine argues that meeting the 18-week waiting time target for NHS elective care would be seen as a real mark of success. Elsewhere, there are the structural reforms underway for planning and devolution that were fundamental to the “decade of national renewal” promised during the election campaign. Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner, empowered and ambitious within the government, is quietly progressing with this agenda with little sign of slowing down.

David Laws suspects that we will also see those more talented ministers begin to demonstrate progress in exciting vanguard sectors like technology, AI and clean energy: areas which are vital to enhancing the UK’s economic position.

Measurement of success in May

The real test of success will be the elections in major cities and, significantly, in the Welsh and Scottish parliaments in May 2026. While midterm elections are often tricky for incumbent governments, Labour would not have been expecting to weather such dissatisfaction so soon, and a poor performance at the May 2025 local elections was an early warning sign of this.

The traditional dividing lines of left and right, class and geography, are no longer accurate measures of voter sentiment. Rather, the electorate is split into groups defined less by ideology, and more by attitudes to institutions, cultural, social and economic issues. Steve Brine emphasises that support for the two main parties has always been fluid. However, in 2024, Labour and Conservatives collectively won just 54% of the vote – a post-war low. Recent polling showing double digit support for smaller parties like the Greens suggests fertile ground for insurgent parties that are attracting support from new parts of the electorate that they wouldn’t normally have.

Technocrats vs. Populism

GK Strategic Adviser and former Care Minister Phil Hope warns that the rise in populism is the “biggest threat to our democratic institutions”. For No.10, the immediate concern is Reform UK. The Prime Minister’s Chief of Staff, Morgan McSweeney – who is often characterised as the architect of Starmer’s premiership – believes that right-wing populism must be defeated by showcasing competent government. In practical terms, this means delivering real improvements to the way people interact with public services, and being tougher on immigration, to reassure disenfranchised, Reform-leaning voters that their economic and cultural concerns are being addressed.

While Reform grabs the headlines, Labour also faces mounting dissent from the left. Disillusioned, younger voters are drifting towards alternatives that they believe are more convincing and radical on climate, equality and security issues. While 6% of Labour’s 2024 voters have moved to Reform, three times as many have shifted to parties of the left. Recent polling gains for the Green Party and a new party led by Jeremy Corbyn underscore this trend. It is worth remembering that Corbyn secured 40% of the vote in 2017 compared to Starmer’s just 33.7% in 2024. For a Labour leadership that has worked hard to marginalise the hard left, this insurgent left-wing movement could expose vulnerabilities in Labour’s emerging strategy of wooing Reform voters on issues such as immigration and the so-called ‘culture wars’.

Clowns to the left of me, jokers to the right

Labour now finds itself squeezed on both its political flanks, while struggling to articulate a unifying strategy for the broad, fragile coalition it assembled in 2024. Without a coherent narrative, it risks alienating voters whose priorities and values increasingly diverge.

In political terms, there is still a long way to go until the next election. But in the absence of a compelling narrative or delivery on issues such as immigration, Downing Street faces a difficult task to work out who its voter base is and what it wants. As GK’s strategic advisers all note, an economic upturn would relieve much of this pressure. But with that unlikely in the next 12 months, the consequences will be felt at the ballot box in May 2026 – where Labour’s already narrow share of the vote could be eroded further.

Scott Dodsworth // Senior Partner & Managing Director // scott@gkstrategy.com

 

Barriers to the Reform-quake

GK’s James Allan assesses some of the barriers of populism in British politics and explains why the political hype about Reform UK might be overstated

‘Campaigning is different than governing’ – so said President Obama to reporters on Air Force One in a targeted message to Republicans looking to gridlock his legislative agenda on Capitol Hill. The same goes for any political organisation that looks to exploit grievances and stir up public anger to secure votes and electoral support. It was a dynamic at play in the 2016 Brexit referendum and Reform UK is reviving the grievance playbook in the lead up to the next election.

How the Labour government, and the Conservative Party in opposition, respond and deal with the challenge posed by Reform UK is undoubtedly shaping the course of this parliament. The government published its immigration white paper only moments after the local election result and the so-called ‘Reform-quake’ that saw 677 Reform councillors elected. As noted in last month’s newsletter, the government’s political objectives were clear: to appear tough on immigration, shatter the public perception of Labour being pro-asylum and pro-migration, and outflank Kemi Badenoch and Nigel Farage.

With all the subsequent political and media crystal ball gazing about the future of Reform UK, it is unsurprising that investors and businesses are curious. Importantly, the next election is likely to take place in the second half of 2028 or at some point in 2029. It is too early to predict the outcome meaning current polling warrants cautious interpretation. Amid the uncertainty, it is worth stepping back to consider why the political hype about Reform UK may be premature.

Four reasons why the Reform panic is overblown

1. The UK is bucking the global populist trend

The year 2024 was mega for elections across the globe. It was a year that largely saw incumbents punished for achieving marginal levels of economic growth, governing during a global health pandemic, and a cost-of-living crisis. This created opportunities for the ring-wing populist parties that sought to challenge to status quo, capitalise on grievances and promise radical change without providing credible plans for doing so. However, unlike most swings experienced in other western developed democracies, the UK swung to the left. The election of a Labour government brought an end to 14 years of Conservative governments.

The UK’s anti-incumbent sentiment at the election meant that one in four Conservative voters in 2019 went to Reform UK and one in five went to the Labour Party. This indicates a more fragmented split in the national vote and the UK’s first past the post electoral system means that Labour’s majority should be understood as broad but thin. It reflects a characteristic of our electoral and constitutional DNA that makes it harder for third, fourth and fifth political parties to perform well and win seats at general elections, including a right-wing populist challenger party. The bar is therefore high for Reform UK. It would need to overcome this fragmentation and more comprehensively supplant the Conservative Party to succeed.

2. No party has ever lost a 174-seat majority in modern British political history

Starmer’s majority is the third largest landslide win since the turn of the 20th century. From 1945 onwards, history would suggest that majorities such as this typically endure at least one more election before the colour of government changes. Labour’s majority of 145 in 1945 survived one other election before being unseated and its majority of 179 seats in 1997 endured for two more elections. The Conservative majority of 144 in 1983 also endured for two more elections and was whittled down to a majority of 21 before the party was catapulted out of power.

Historical precedents should be taken with a pinch of salt. The third-party challenger in all these elections were typically the Liberal Democrats (or its predecessors). A more fragmented electorate and Reform UK could challenge this historical precedent but even its predecessor UKIP never won any seats in the House of Commons at its peak in 2015 despite holding a number of seats in the European Parliament elected under a proportional representative system. This further underscores the difficulty these challenger parties face.

3. Grievance politics only gets you so far

Reform UK’s playbook of grievances is blunt and polarising: immigration and borders; issues of national identity and community cohesion; taking on establishment orthodoxy and perceived elite indifference; and underscoring the cost of net zero policies. Playing on grievances can mobilise discontent, and without credible solutions, Reform UK will struggle to translate its momentum into enduring political support.

The coming years will be a test of Reform UK’s operational effectiveness, party discipline and credibility in local government. Its success at the May local elections is significant. It won 677 council seats out of roughly 1,600, took control of ten local authorities and successfully elected two mayors. But beyond the grievances espoused by its candidates, Reform UK’s credibility is now at stake and already showing early signs of dysfunction. For instance, Reform UK-controlled Kent County Council recently suspended a councillor and nine of the 22 council meetings have been cancelled within the first nine weeks of them gaining control. These are meetings where important decisions, such as budget allocations and service provisions were expected to be made.

Local government plays a vital role in the operational delivery of frontline local public services that most of the electorate use and engage with. From adult social care and children’s services, to bin collection and public protection, a lot is at stake for Reform controlled local authorities. Political leaders in Westminster will be watching closely to exploit any opportunity to batter Reform’s credibility. Added to this is immense pressure on local government finances, meaning that any misstep will be amplified. Reform UK not only has to prove it can win votes but also that it can govern responsibly under intense scrutiny and fiscal constraint.

4. Expect mid-term blues

It is reasonable for voters to flirt with protest parties between general elections and Reform UK is likely to maintain its momentum in local elections over the course of this parliament. Local elections offer a safe outlet for public frustration, but general elections are different. Not only will voters who are less politically engaged (or enraged) turn out to vote in a general election, but the national conversation will shift from registering voter discontent to who can govern the country effectively. It was a dynamic in 2024 and a key part of Starmer’s pitch to voters, citing his record of restoring Labour’s credibility from the Corbyn era of Labour leadership and criticising the Conservative’s mismanagement of the economy.

While Reform UK may have reshaped the political conversation, structural barriers and historical precedents mean that translating this discontent into enduring electoral support that can survive the test of a general election will be a significant challenge for the populist right-wing party.

Milking it! Extending the sugar tax for public health and economic gain

This week the government launched a consultation on its plans to tighten the sugar levy. This follows last year’s review of the effectiveness of the SDIL to date. Chancellor Rachel Reeves strongly hinted that the government was considering broadening the scope of the levy at October’s autumn budget and the consultation document does just that.

The government’s proposals include reducing the minimum sugar content level at which the levy applies from 5g to 4g; removing the exemption for milk-based drinks; and removing the exemption for milk substitute drinks. This means milkshakes, pre-made coffees and many of your favourite fizzy drinks will be reformulated or face becoming taxable.

Initial analysis suggests that over 90% of milk-based products will be affected. Initially exempt because milk is a source of calcium for children, the government’s revised position is that any potential health benefits are outweighed by the negative impact of consuming high levels of sugar.

Although the contents of this consultation come as no surprise to those who have been closely following policymaking in this space, it does set the mood music for the upcoming national food strategy and signals a government unafraid to be heavy-handed when it comes to public health. Although the SDIL is widely considered to be a successful and effective policy intervention, the UK’s sugar consumption remains significantly above recommended levels, especially among children. By lowering the sugar thresholds and widening the scope of products, more soft drink producers will be forced to reformulate products or see their production costs increase. However businesses decide to act in response to changing regulations, the government hopes the result is a significant reduction in the nation’s consumption of sugar.

Obesity costs the NHS around £6.5 billion a year. NHS data shows a deeply concerning trend of rising childhood obesity. Almost 10% of children are now living with obesity by the time they start school and 24% of children have tooth decay by aged five thanks to excess sugar consumption. With obesity taking effect earlier in life, the associated costs for the NHS are set to soar to £9.7 billion by 2050. This is especially bad news for a government grappling with a challenging economic environment and acute pressures on public spending. But for Labour, it feels all the more personal because in the most deprived areas the prevalence of obesity can be almost 15% higher than in the least deprived ones – something that the last government’s food strategy picked up on. Tackling health inequality is a huge part of the government’s commitment to ensuring all children and young people have the same opportunities and start in life.

For industry, there is a fine balance to strike. Full resistance to public health reforms designed to improve the health of our children would leave a bad taste in consumers’ mouths. Developing and maintaining an open, constructive dialogue with government, including showcasing innovative reformulations, will be a far more effective approach. Framed in this way, industry will be able to better make the case that a proportionate approach to SDIL and wider public health reforms will deliver positive health and economic change.

Now is the time to engage. Those who can successfully demonstrate alignment with the government’s public health goals will be well-positioned for future discussions about the developing national food strategy, which will set the strategic direction of travel for the rest of this parliament and beyond. One thing is for sure, this is unlikely to be the last government intervention in the name of improving the nation’s health.

The consultation runs until 21 July. If you’d like to discuss contributing to it or the wider HFSS policy environment, please contact Lauren on lauren.atkins@gkstrategy.com.

Lighting a path to a smoke-free future: the government’s plans to end smoking in the UK

Smoking remains one of the leading causes of preventable deaths in the UK, with over 200,000 smoking-related deaths each year. With the Tobacco and Vapes Bill currently undergoing its legislative stages in Parliament, carving a clear direction of travel for the future of smoking in the UK, businesses have a unique opportunity to align with the government’s public health ambitions and unlock a wealth of new opportunities as part of the national push to reduce smoking rates. 

The landmark bill aims introduce a smoke-free generation by banning the sale of tobacco products to anyone born on or after 1 January 2009, meaning affected individuals will never be legally able to purchase a cigarette. While some argue that this is a ‘nanny state’ intrusion into personal freedoms, the main provisions of the bill have long been discussed and were first trailed by the previous Conservative government. There is therefore a consensus across parliament that this is a necessary measure which will deliver long-term benefits to the general public and a struggling public health system. 

The rise in demand for healthier lifestyles and the growing number of people looking to quit smoking present significant opportunities for businesses in the health and wellness sector. Companies offering smoking cessation products like nicotine replacement therapies (NRTs), or even digital health apps designed to support quitting, stand to benefit from growing demand for their services. Moreover, businesses that create products that promote overall wellbeing, such as fitness equipment, health supplements or stress-management tools can provide an alternative for individuals who are trying to improve their health after quitting smoking. 

Furthermore, with employee wellbeing being a key focus for this government across a number of fronts, including the Employment Rights Bill, incorporating smoking cessation support into corporate health programmes is essential. Offering incentives for employees to quit smoking or providing access to cessation resources can help improve workplace health, increase productivity and reduce absenteeism due to smoking-related illness. Companies that invest in these types of employee-focused health programmes also benefit from a healthier, more engaged workforce. 

It was confirmed in December 2024 that the government is investing an additional £70 million in 2025-26 to support local authority-led smoking cessation services. Given this investment, there is an increasing demand for qualified professionals and organisations that can offer expert advice, counselling and support for individuals attempting to quit smoking. Healthcare providers, private clinics or digital health platforms focused on smoking cessation are well placed to position themselves as a partner to government and highlight how initiatives can be rolled out and improved as ministers progress with their smoke-free ambitions. 

To support the public understanding of new legislation, those who can offer both creative campaigns and innovative products aimed at raising awareness about the dangers of smoking, or promoting the benefits of quitting should focus on engaging with integrated care boards (ICBs) as they look to manage local service and improve outcomes. A 2023 report from Action on Smoking and Health found that tobacco control was perceived to be an above average or high priority in 14 of the 29 surveyed ICBs, underlining the necessity of appropriately resourcing ‘stop smoking’ services. 

The passage of this legislation is not just a step toward improving public health – it is also a catalyst for innovation and business growth. Companies that can align with these objectives, whether by providing smoking cessation products, supporting corporate health programmes or developing creative campaigns have an opportunity to thrive in an increasingly health-conscious market. Given the government’s overall focus on prevention in its healthcare agenda, it is vital that businesses engage with the Department of Health and Social Care, ICBs, NHS trusts and other stakeholders to provide expertise on the rollout and efficacy of anti-smoking campaigns that will form a crucial part of this government’s potentially transformative approach to public health. 

 

GK Podcast: Skills England and Apprenticeships Reform

GK Strategy is pleased to present the latest episode of its podcast. This episode focuses on the government’s wide-ranging reforms to the apprenticeships and skills system, and the potential impact on employers, providers and learners.

In this episode we speak to GK Strategic Adviser and former Minister for Skills and Higher Education, the Rt Hon Robert Halfon, and former advisor to the Department for Education and former Director of EDSK, Tom Richmond.

The podcast can be listened to here: GK Strategy Podcast – Episode 3.