Tag Archives: Andy Burnham

What does Andy Burnham’s social care announcement mean for providers?

On Tuesday 29 July, Prime Minister Andy Burnham, Louise Casey and Health Secretary Yvette Cooper outlined the government’s approach to adult social care reform. Burnham said it was ‘shameful’ that decades of political point-scoring had come at the expense of meaningful reform and argued that he is prepared to spend political capital to deliver lasting change. The prime minister used the speech to make three key announcements.

First, Burnham confirmed that Louise Casey’s independent review of adult social care will be accelerated by a year, with final recommendations now expected by summer 2027. He said Casey had been asked to consider how the government could deliver a National Care Service, arguing that social care should become more preventative, person-centred and better integrated with the NHS.

Second, Burnham announced a renewed focus on the social care workforce. Building on the government’s plans to introduce a Fair Pay Agreement for care workers from 2028/29, he said ministers would explore wider reforms to improve pay, training and career progression. He also proposed creating clearer pathways between social care and NHS roles to help professionalise the workforce and improve recruitment and retention.

Third, Burnham announced the launch of cross-party talks on social care reform involving the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats. He argued that lasting reform would require political consensus and described the discussions as the first test of his commitment to a less adversarial style of politics. Burnham said common ground must be found if policymakers are to address challenges that have remained unresolved for decades.

Both Andy Burnham and Louise Casey signalled that future reform would involve greater scrutiny of private providers. Casey argued that there remains an important role for a mixed market in adult social care, but criticised providers perceived to be “profiteering” from care services. Burnham echoed these concerns, arguing that some parts of the sector have prioritised profit and cost-cutting over the quality of care and outcomes for vulnerable people. However, Burnham has historically adopted a pragmatic rather than an ideological approach to public service reform. As health secretary in the Brown-led government, he recognised the role that independent providers could play in increasing NHS capacity and reducing waiting times where they delivered value for patients and taxpayers.

As a result, he is unlikely to pursue reforms that materially reduce the private sector’s role in adult social care. Given the significant share of care capacity and expertise provided by independent providers, the prime minister is likely to be mindful of avoiding reforms that could destabilise the market by causing market exits and place further pressure on already stretched services. Instead, providers should expect a greater focus on accountability and transparency, clearer standards to improve the quality and consistency of care, and enhanced scrutiny of how public funding and provider profits are used. The NHS Modernisation Bill currently going through the Commons is one key place to watch if any substantive change is to come forward.

On funding, Burnham argued that significant improvements could be achieved through more effective use of existing resources before tax rises are considered. He highlighted the costs associated with avoidable hospital admissions and delayed discharges caused by inadequate social care provision, suggesting that greater investment in prevention could deliver substantial savings across the wider health system. However, significant questions remain about the long-term funding model for a National Care Service. Reports suggest officials are exploring options ranging from social insurance-style contributions to inheritance-based levies, although ministers have stressed that no decisions will be taken until Casey’s review is complete and the new prime minister remains constrained to some extent by Labour’s 2024 manifesto commitments on tax.

Phil Hope, GK’s Strategic Adviser and former care services minister under Andy Burnham at the Department for Health, who was directly referenced in the prime minister’s speech said: ‘The prime minister was clear that he wants to build a broad consensus around social care reform and move the debate beyond the political point-scoring that has hindered progress in the past. Bringing forward the Louise Casey review to 2027 creates an opportunity for that conversation to take place away from the pressures of a forthcoming general election. While concerns about profiteering were raised, there was little detail on the scale of the issue or how ministers might address it, making this an area the Casey review is likely to explore further.’

Steve Brine, GK’s Strategic Advisor and former health minister as well as chair of the cross-party Health and Social Care Select Committee said: ‘It was a hugely impressive performance from Andy Burnham with what was more a political than a policy announcement but his authenticity on the subject is welcome and important. It was really about creating the political conditions for reform rather than announcing the detail, but that day will come – along with who pays – and that is the next big moment. Casey’s challenge is to define what ministers actually mean by ‘National Care Service’ – is it about standards, funding, eligibility – and for the PM it’s how will someone’s experience be different in two, three or five years’ time? That’s ultimately how people will judge success.’

A new UK Prime Minister, potentially a new Energy Secretary – another hydrogen delay?

The ongoing conflict between the US and Iran and the disruption to oil and liquefied natural gas flows through the Strait of Hormuz have reinforced the importance of energy security and independence. Against this backdrop of heightened geopolitical uncertainty, reports suggest that Prime Minister-in-waiting Andy Burnham may be more open to new North Sea oil and gas developments. This could include a potential expansion of the Rosebank oil field (the UK’s largest undeveloped oil field) and the Jackdaw gas field (one of the largest undeveloped gas fields in the North Sea), while also accelerating the deployment of advanced clean energy technologies.

Increasingly recognised as a key part of the UK’s future energy mix, hydrogen (the most abundant element in the universe, accounting for around 75% of matter) is highly versatile, enabling its use in electricity generation, fuel cells, industrial heat and as feedstock for the production of low-carbon fuels such as sustainable aviation fuel.  As policymakers seek both energy security and decarbonisation, hydrogen offers a credible alternative to diminishing fossil fuel resources.

Expanding the hydrogen industry is about more than achieving climate goals; it represents a significant economic opportunity. It can create high-value jobs across engineering, manufacturing and energy, while providing a pathway for workers in the oil and gas, chemicals and heavy engineering sectors to transition into low-carbon industries. Hydrogen projects can also drive regional growth by attracting investment into ’industrial heartlands’ and helping to regenerate communities historically reliant on carbon-intensive industries. Looking ahead, the opportunity is substantial, with the global hydrogen market projected to exceed $1 trillion by 2050 according to analysis carried out by Deloitte.

The UK is well positioned to capitalise on this opportunity. It benefits from a strong industrial base, established energy infrastructure and expertise developed through decades of oil and gas activity. Major industrial clusters in the North West, South Wales, the Solent, Grangemouth and the North East provide an immediate and scalable market for hydrogen, particularly for high-temperature industrial processes where electrification is not yet commercially viable. Recognising this potential, the government has sought to attract investment across the hydrogen value chain through measures including the Hydrogen Production Business Model and Hydrogen Allocation Rounds (HARs). It has also committed more than £500 million towards hydrogen infrastructure, including plans for the UK’s first regional hydrogen network by 2031 to support the production, storage and transportation of low-carbon hydrogen.

However, impending policy decisions are creating uncertainty for project developers and investors. HAR1 supported 11 projects (such as Bradford Low Carbon Hydrogen in Yorkshire) and HAR2 shortlisted a further 27 further projects (such as Green Hydrogen 5 in Wales). However, progress has been slower than anticipated, with only a limited number of HAR1 projects advancing towards Final Investment Decisions. Progress on HAR2 has also been limited, as shortlisted projects remain in the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero’s due diligence and cost assurance process, with developers still lacking clarity on when that process will conclude. At the same time, the revised Hydrogen Strategy, originally expected in autumn 2025, remains delayed.

The combination of these delays and a lack of policy clarity have created uncertainty for developers and investors. Many project developers continue to commit substantial resources towards land, planning, engineering, grid connections and supply chain engagement while awaiting clearer signals from government. If this uncertainty persists, it risks slowing project deployment, discouraging participation in future allocation rounds and weakening the UK’s attractiveness as a destination for hydrogen investment.

With a new Prime Minister and potentially a new energy secretary, important questions remain: Will the long-awaited Hydrogen Strategy face further delays while ministers review priorities? Will it provide a clear vision for where hydrogen can deliver the greatest economic, technical, environmental and societal value? The UK has a significant opportunity to become a leader in the global hydrogen economy, but realising that potential will require clear, timely and credible policy signals from government.

If you would like to discuss GK’s public affairs offering and how policy developments may impact investment in emerging energy technologies, please contact Brett Morton at brett.morton@gkstrategy.com .

What could skills policy look like under a Burnham-led government?

The prospect of Andy Burnham succeeding Keir Starmer as Prime Minister is significant for the skills sector. Burnham is a strong advocate for technical education and has criticised previous governments for their ‘obsession’ with higher education, including former Labour Prime Minister Tony Blair’s target of having more than 50% of young people go to university.

In his first major speech since launching his bid to replace Starmer on Monday 29 June, Burnham acknowledged that while university is ‘great for those who want it’, there also needs to be a focus on the life chances of those who don’t wish to opt for the higher education route. Given he has long called for ‘true parity’ between academic and technical education, as highlighted in his manifesto for his 2015 Labour leadership bid, Burnham is likely to place much greater emphasis on study programmes linked to in-demand technical and vocational occupations as part of a broader effort to create clearer pathways into employment for young people.

Burham’s Manchester Baccalaureate (MBacc), which provides a pathway into the region’s high growth sectors through technical and vocational qualifications, is a clear example of what this shift could look like on a national scale. Launched by the Greater Manchester Combined Authority (GMCA) in September 2024, the MBacc guarantees every young person in the region a clear pathway to employment opportunities through a combination of careers advice services, work experience placements and technical qualifications, including by expanding access to T Levels and apprenticeships.

Since its launch in 2024-25, the MBacc has benefitted from growing support amongst local employers. In January 2026, GMCA confirmed that several leading employers, including Autotrader, IBM and the NHS, had pledged over 1,000 additional work placements to T Level students. This demonstrates how engaged and invested businesses can be in skills and the future workforce, provided the right policy framework is in place. The MBacc not only provides technical education routes into growing regional industries, but it also encourages young people to make subject choices at the ages of 14, 16 and 18 that support progression into these pathways.

Another aspect of Burnham’s approach is the emphasis he places on greater collaboration between skills, health and employment, specifically the need to adopt a place-based model while pivoting away from a nationally directed skills system. One of the advantages of a place-based model is the recognition of significant regional differences in the causes of unemployment and the nature of local labour markets. This includes inconsistent access to training provision and the variety of opportunities for growth across the country. A Burnham-led government is likely therefore to see more devolution by default, whereby employment support is further integrated with local health, skills and community services. This would mean that providers in the FE and HE sectors play a much larger role in supporting people into work.

A Burnham premiership is likely to see a more devolved and technically-focused skills and training system. On a practical level, this is likely to involve granting established combined mayoral authorities (like London, Greater Manchester and the West Midlands) greater autonomy in shaping skills provision around local labour market demands. For employers and training providers, this direction of travel will place greater emphasis on more joined-up local working and support across education, health and employment services. While this has the potential to significantly transform the skills sector, the test for Burnham is whether he can demonstrate that a localised, devolved approach will deliver economic growth, boost living standards, and give every young person growing up a ‘clear path into a re-industrialised Britain’.

If you would like to talk more the potential of a Burnham-led government and what this could mean for the skills sector, please email Noureen@gkstrategy.com.

EU Youth Mobility Scheme: Brexit divisions and the Burnham factor

GK’s Brett Morton examines the ongoing negotiations with the EU on a youth mobility scheme and what it means for the future of the UK-EU relationship

A youth mobility agreement has become a central component of the Labour government’s drive to improve UK-EU relations. Although both sides broadly support the principle of making it easier for young people to live, work and study across borders, the parties remain divided over the terms. Points of contention over immigration caps and tuition fees risk preventing a wider package of UK-EU cooperation measures. Both sides had been keen to secure these at a second bilateral summit scheduled for 22 July in Brussels. The summit has now been delayed following the Prime Minister’s resignation.

The scheme under discussion would allow 18-30-year-olds from the UK and EU to spend a limited period living, studying and working in each other’s countries. In broad terms, it would resemble the agreement the UK already has with countries such as Australia and Canada. Under those arrangements, young people can come to Britain for up to three years, subject to visa rules and annual caps, and work, travel or study without employer sponsorship. The UK would like any deal with the EU to follow the same basic model: temporary, managed and clearly distinct from free movement.

That distinction matters because immigration remains one of the most politically charged legacies of Brexit. Opponents of the proposal, including Nigel Farage, argue that such a scheme would amount to freedom of movement under a different name. Ministers have been keen to stress that any agreement with the EU would be time-limited and capped. Reports suggest the Starmer government favoured a ceiling of 50,000 participants a year. The EU, by contrast, is believed to prefer a more flexible arrangement, with no fixed cap but a break mechanism that would allow either side to intervene if numbers became excessive. For the next Prime Minister, accepting a scheme without a visible numerical limit would be politically difficult, particularly given the public’s appetite to reduce net migration.

Since Brexit, labour shortages have become a persistent problem in sectors such as hospitality, agriculture and construction. At present, a young EU citizen who wants to work in the UK for a limited period usually needs sponsorship from a British employer. In practice, that system is often costly, bureaucratic and tied to salary thresholds that many small businesses cannot meet. In many cases, sponsorship requires employers to offer a salary of at least £41,700 a year, or the going rate for the role, which places it out of reach for much seasonal, temporary and lower-paid work. Supporters of a youth mobility scheme argue that without the need for sponsorship or salary thresholds, it could widen the pool of labour and make it easier to fill temporary or seasonal vacancies. Even so, its impact would be limited, as it may ease pressure in high-turnover sectors but would do far less to address longer-term shortages in fields that depend on permanent skilled workers, such as healthcare or technology.

A major obstacle to a youth mobility agreement is tuition fees. The EU wants students to study in the UK and EU countries on the same basis as domestic students, meaning EU students at UK universities would pay home fees rather than higher international rates. With 24 institutions reportedly at risk of insolvency within the next year, according to the Education Select Committee, international student fees have become a vital source of income. The Russel Group, an association of 24 prestigious universities in the UK, has warned that granting EU students home fee status could cost the sector around £580 million, reducing universities’ ability to invest in programmes such as Erasmus+ and Horizon Europe.

The youth mobility debate must also be understood in its wider political context. Starmer had originally hoped that a UK-EU reset would help revive his premiership by showing that closer cooperation with Europe could deliver practical benefits, from smoother trade to lower costs for consumers. With his resignation, that personal political purpose has fallen away. Future negotiations are no longer about rescuing his administration, but about shaping the direction of the next Prime Minister’s agenda.

With an Andy Burnham coronation now increasingly likely ahead of 22 July, the EU has postponed the summit. A youth mobility scheme could offer Burnham an opportunity to pursue economic and social reforms in response to what he has described as the ‘damage’ caused by Brexit. However, Burnham is also likely to be cautious about making significant concessions to Brussels, particularly on a cap, as he seeks to appeal to Reform UK voters and avoid reopening divisions from the Brexit referendum ahead of a potential 2029 general election. The future of any youth mobility scheme with the EU will therefore depend on Burnham’s political calculus.

Burnham’s Gamble: The Contest That Could Decide Britain’s Next Prime Minister

Andy Burnham’s intention to make a return to parliament has been clear for a number of years, despite assurances – until recently – that he was focused on his role as mayor of Greater Manchester. Following disastrous local election results for Labour and subsequent calls from Labour MPs for Keir Starmer to resign, Burnham’s opportunity has finally arrived. Josh Simons MP resigned earlier this month to allow Burnham to stand for election in the constituency of Makerfield. Unlike the Gorton and Denton by-election earlier this year — where Burnham sought to run but was blocked by the Labour Party’s National Executive Committee — the NEC has allowed Burnham to stand, and the Prime Minister has made no apparent attempt to prevent it. This shift reflects the severe weakening of Starmer’s authority amongst the Parliamentary Labour Party, with almost 100 Labour MPs calling for his resignation in the aftermath of the local elections.

This is a hugely consequential by-election that is highly likely to determine the future of this Labour government. If Burnham wins, he is widely expected to challenge Starmer for the leadership of the Labour Party and his position as prime minister. If he loses, questions around Starmer’s leadership are likely to persist, though the path forward becomes far less clear. Other prominent figures, such as former health secretary, Wes Streeting, or former deputy prime minister, Angela Rayner, are likely to emerge as challengers, but in that scenario Starmer could remain in office for longer despite his weakened position.

The main challenger to Labour in Makerfield is Nigel Farage’s Reform UK. Reform UK’s candidate Robert Kenyon is a local plumber who contested the constituency for Reform UK at the 2024 general election. The contrast between the two candidates is stark: Andy Burnham has spent almost his entire working life in frontline politics and is widely seen as having leadership ambitions, while Kenyon is positioning himself as a local, political outsider. While Reform UK may have hoped that Kenyon’s local profile would resonate with voters, particularly when contrasted with Burnham’s national political ambitions, it is Burnham’s strong personal popularity as mayor of Greater Manchester that is likely to bolster his performance. If Labour had selected any other candidate, Reform UK would almost certainly win this by-election as Makerfield is the 29th most easily winnable seat for Reform UK, based on the swing required from the 2024 general election for the party to win the seat.

With Burnham in the running, the result is expected to be extremely close between Labour and Reform UK. The first constituency poll shows Burnham leading Reform by just three percentage points, underlining how competitive the race is going to be. The outcome may ultimately depend on where smaller-party voters choose to lend their support, if they choose to do so at all. Labour will hope to attract tactical backing from voters who would otherwise support the Liberal Democrats or the Green Party, while Reform UK will seek to consolidate support on the right from voters considering Restore Britain. The growing momentum behind Restore Britain’s campaign also threatens to split the right wing vote if would be Reform UK voters switch their vote to Restore Britain, which could deny Reform UK a victory. Restore Britain was established as a right-wing challenge to Reform UK by former Reform UK MP Rupert Lowe, who left the party following a dispute with Nigel Farage over policy. Currently, the Liberal Democrats and the Green Party are collectively polling at 7%. The same figure as Restore Britain. This means even relatively small shifts through tactical voting could determine the outcome of the by-election contest.

Another factor that may shift the result is the media scrutiny surrounding Kenyon’s social media posts and the numerous Reform UK councillors that have stood down since the local elections on 7 May. If these issues resonate with voters, it could become a significant issue in the campaign and may bolster Labour’s chances in this highly competitive election.

The key issues on which the by-election is being fought have also presented risks for Burnham’s campaign. Burnham has already started to change tack on several policy issues in a bid to make himself more attractive to voters in the Makerfield constituency. For example, in an attempt to neutralise Reform UK’s attacks on his previous position that the UK should rejoin the EU, Burnham has stated that he will not reopen the Brexit debate. He has also agreed to maintain the government’s existing fiscal rules, despite having previously questioned them. . For businesses and investors, this points towards the possibility that a Burnham government may pursue a policy agenda that is broadly similar to the current government than Burnham would like to explicitly admit. These U-turns in fundamental policy areas may risk Burnham appearing the same as Starmer: a politician that changes their stance at the first sign of opposition. If Reform UK can capitalise on this, it may undermine Burnham’s attempt to present himself as a fundamentally different kind of Labour leader and weaken the electoral advantage that currently makes him such a significant political threat to both Starmer and Farage.

If Burnham achieves victory in a seat that would almost certainly be won by Reform UK against any other Labour candidate, it will be politically significant beyond the by-election itself. A win would allow Burnham to argue that he has the electoral appeal needed to reverse Reform UK’s lead in the national opinion polls and could persuade Labour MPs that he can address many of the government’s political and electoral problems. If Burnham wins, this makes it likely that he would be able to gain nominations from the 81 MPs required to trigger a leadership challenge, with many Labour MPs potentially concluding that he is the person who is most capable of stopping Reform UK from winning the next general election. With polling of Labour members showing that Burnham would beat any other contender for leader, this may mean that success in the by-election paves a path for Burnham to be the next Prime Minister. If Burnham fails to be elected, however, those same polls show that Starmer would beat a number of other candidates in a head-to-head election for the Labour leadership, including Wes Streeting.

The importance of this by-election cannot be overstated. It creates the conditions for Burnham to become Prime Minister, but also for Starmer to remain in position, having seen off other potential challengers.   It is vital for businesses and investors to begin thinking now about how a future Burnham-led government may affect them and to consider how existing policy agendas could continue to be developed by a weakened Starmer administration.

If you would like to talk more about the outcome of the by-election or the potential of a Burnham-led government, please email jacob.walsh@gkstrategy.com.