Please click here to access the briefing: GK Strategy – Andy Burnham Labour Party Conference – October 2026
This will be followed up a separate briefing on the government’s commitment to reform the adult social care system and introduce a National Care Service.
In his first address to Labour Party Conference as prime minister, Andy Burnham set out plans for a new government-backed body, Great British Grid (GBG), as part of a wider effort to address high energy costs, accelerate infrastructure delivery and support economic growth.
For investors and businesses, the government’s plans for GBG are unlikely to represent a fundamental change to the ownership or operation of Britain’s electricity network. The Department for Energy Security and Net Zero has said that GBG will ‘complement, rather than replace’ the companies already responsible for operating the electricity system, with the role of existing network operators remaining unchanged. Instead, the focus is on changing how future transmission infrastructure projects are developed and delivered.
GBG will operate as a branch of Great British Energy (GBE) and will participate in bids for future transmission projects. Rather than incumbent network operators automatically developing new infrastructure, projects could be awarded through a competitive process involving bids from GBG, existing network companies and private investors. The government argues that increasing competition in this way will help speed up grid expansion, support economic growth and reduce the costs of network investment that are ultimately passed on to consumers through energy bills.
The scale of GBG’s involvement will depend on the funding available to it. GBE was allocated £8.3 billion of capital funding for this parliament, although a proportion of that funding has already been committed to other priorities, including support for small modular nuclear reactors. While the final allocation to GBG has yet to be confirmed, it is likely to be small compared with the scale of investment required across the electricity network. Planned transmission investment during the 2026-31 regulatory period alone is expected to total around £70 billion, with substantial further investment required throughout the 2030s.
The use of competition to deliver transmission infrastructure is not entirely new. The Competitively Appointed Transmission Owner (CATO) regime, introduced under the Conservative government in 2023, was designed to open parts of the transmission network to competitive procurement. GBG therefore builds on an existing framework for competition, while giving the state a more direct role in bidding for future transmission projects.
The government has also announced reforms that would allow businesses to construct their own grid connections rather than waiting for network operators to undertake the work. Ministers hope this approach will accelerate the delivery of energy projects, industrial developments and AI data centres in the UK.
While these reforms may help reduce some delays, many industry groups continue to argue that the planning and consenting system remains one of the biggest barriers to faster infrastructure delivery. The success of the government’s approach is therefore likely to depend not only on changes to grid connections, but also on whether wider planning reforms can shorten approval times for major energy projects.
Please contact Brett Morton via brett.morton@gkstrategy.com if you would like to discuss the government’s energy reforms in more detail.
Erin Caddell of GK Strategy’s American partner Anchor Advisors examines the shifting US midterm landscape and the implications of a potential Democratic resurgence.
Like a surfer looking out at the ocean for the next big swell, US political observers are seeing signs of a gathering political “Blue Wave” – a potential shift in control of the House of Representatives and/or the Senate to Democrats in the midterm elections on 3 November. At this point, it is difficult to tell whether the wave will be big or small, and in the rapidly shifting seas of American politics, it could dissipate before it hits the shore. But US-focused investors and corporates should start paddling now to position themselves for the policy changes likely to occur.
As with most US political analysis these days, the midterm election outlook begins and ends with one man: President Trump. Arriving at the halfway point of the president’s term, midterms are often viewed as referenda on the incumbent administration’s progress. And with Trump dominating his party and the political debate as few have, midterm campaigns have been more focused on Trump than on the individual House and Senate candidates.
Here, the news is not good for Trump and the GOP. Continuing a trend we’ve noted in this column in recent months, Trump’s approval rating continues to grind lower due to high fuel prices driven by the unpopular US war with Iran, sticky inflation, and more recently, by a reacceleration of a trade war with Canada. An FT poll released on 6 September is indicative of the trend of recent US voter surveys: The poll of 1,914 registered voters found that 33% approved of Trump’s performance at the end of August, down from 39% in May. Equally troubling for the GOP, the survey found that independent voters’ approval of the president dropped from 32% in May to 26% in August.
Trump’s sagging popularity is being felt on the campaign trail. In the House, Republicans hold a slim majority of 218-214, meaning Democrats need to flip three seats to seize control. 270towin, an election forecaster, pegs 215 House seats as leaning Democratic, and 201 Republican equivalents, with 19 toss-ups in the 435-member body. Since 1946, the incumbent party has lost an average of 25 House seats in the midterms. Betting markets ascribe a 90% likelihood of a House flip in November.
In the fight for the Senate, with Republicans holding a 53-47 edge, Democrats need to win a net four seats to gain control (the Vice President breaks ties). The Democrat candidate is leading in the latest polls for GOP-held seats in Alaska, Maine, Iowa, North Carolina, Ohio and Texas, according to RealClearPolitics, though the margins are within a point or two in several, and a couple of Democrat-controlled Senate seats are also close. Betting markets peg odds of a Democratic Senate flip at 62-3%, up from 30% a year ago.
A lot can change in two months. But the data begs the question: What would it mean for US-focused investors and corporates for Democrats to win one or both houses of Congress in November? We focus here on two sectors: healthcare and renewable energy:
Healthcare. The healthcare and health insurance sectors have faced stiff headwinds throughout the second Trump Administration. The One Big Beautiful Bill (OBBB) – the centerpiece of the Republican legislative agenda in the first half of Trump’s second term – approved US$911 billion in spending cuts in the Medicaid health-insurance program for the poor over 10 years (some 15% of projected spending before the bill’s passage) and tightened eligibility requirements. Trump’s health secretary, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., has also pursued an anti-vaccine agenda that has hurt large pharmaceutical companies as well as primary-care physicians who administer vaccines to young children.
Democrats would not gain the ability to overturn administrative decisions even if the party wins the House or Senate in November. But through the appropriations process, a Democrat-led congressional chamber would dig out an old DC playbook: delay and live to fight another day. Democrats would attempt to delay the mandated spending cuts and tougher eligibility requirements for Medicaid recipients, many of which are not scheduled to come into effect until 2027. Democrats would also push back through budget tactics and oversight hearings against RFK Jr.’s moves to water down vaccine mandates and appoint anti-vaccine members of government health advisory panels. Beneficiaries could include hospitals (which receive substantial revenue from serving Medicaid recipients), Medicaid-focused insurers, primary-care physicians’ practices and drug manufacturers.
Renewable Energy. It is a worthwhile debate whether healthcare or renewable energy has been a bigger punching bag for Trump 2.0. We’ll give the nod to renewables, as not even health providers have been paid by the government not to provide their service. The Trump Administration has taken this unusual step, offering to pay more than US$2 billion to offshore wind developers sponsors to stop and invest in fossil-fuels projects instead. The Administration reported it approved new oil and gas leases on federal lands at a pace 55% greater in 2025 than in the last year of the Biden Administration in 2024. Yet the advantages of renewable development over fossil fuels – notably lower costs and faster speed to market – have meant that renewable production has still been growing despite the Trump Administration’s stance. The U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA) reported that total U.S. energy production grew 3.4% y/y in 2025, with natural gas production increased by 4%. Renewable energy production rose 3%, equal to the growth in crude oil output, with both solar and wind setting new records (see below). Despite Trump’s constant anti-renewable, pro-fossil-fuels rhetoric, 61% of Republicans told Pew Research Center in 2025 they support more solar power (77% for all respondents), while 48% favor more wind (68% overall).
This bipartisan base of support could lead to improved market conditions for renewables firms under a Democrat House and/or Senate. As part of broader negotiations over the federal budget or on raising the debt limit, Democrats could push to restore tax credits for renewables projects passed during the Biden Administration in the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) that the Trump Administration and the GOP-controlled Congress have reversed or limited thus far in Trump’s second term. Democrats would also use their investigative powers in Congress to scrutinise the payments the Trump Administration has made to halt offshore wind developments. Ultimately, market demand may lead policy: The new data centers necessary to power the AI boom are expected to increase total U.S. electricity demand by 5-10% by 2028, according to estimates by the University of California’s Lawrence Laboratory. As loyal Westminster Unwrapped readers know, the data-center boom has been met by a sudden public backlash across the U.S. (see our August 2026 note “Can’t buy me love: American public opinion turns against data centers – what’s next?”). But even if actual data-center construction is half that of projected, the U.S. will need significantly more renewables capacity to meet demand even if oil and gas development proceeds apace.
If Republicans rebound and hold both houses of Congress in November, the healthcare and renewables sectors would face a challenging policy landscape, but one no more hostile than the one they have managed through since January 2025. But a small blue wave could materially improve the operating environment for sectors out of favor thus far in Trump’s second White House stint, even better if a big one crashes to shore.
The ongoing conflict between the US and Iran and the disruption to oil and liquefied natural gas flows through the Strait of Hormuz have reinforced the importance of energy security and independence. Against this backdrop of heightened geopolitical uncertainty, reports suggest that Prime Minister-in-waiting Andy Burnham may be more open to new North Sea oil and gas developments. This could include a potential expansion of the Rosebank oil field (the UK’s largest undeveloped oil field) and the Jackdaw gas field (one of the largest undeveloped gas fields in the North Sea), while also accelerating the deployment of advanced clean energy technologies.
Increasingly recognised as a key part of the UK’s future energy mix, hydrogen (the most abundant element in the universe, accounting for around 75% of matter) is highly versatile, enabling its use in electricity generation, fuel cells, industrial heat and as feedstock for the production of low-carbon fuels such as sustainable aviation fuel. As policymakers seek both energy security and decarbonisation, hydrogen offers a credible alternative to diminishing fossil fuel resources.
Expanding the hydrogen industry is about more than achieving climate goals; it represents a significant economic opportunity. It can create high-value jobs across engineering, manufacturing and energy, while providing a pathway for workers in the oil and gas, chemicals and heavy engineering sectors to transition into low-carbon industries. Hydrogen projects can also drive regional growth by attracting investment into ’industrial heartlands’ and helping to regenerate communities historically reliant on carbon-intensive industries. Looking ahead, the opportunity is substantial, with the global hydrogen market projected to exceed $1 trillion by 2050 according to analysis carried out by Deloitte.
The UK is well positioned to capitalise on this opportunity. It benefits from a strong industrial base, established energy infrastructure and expertise developed through decades of oil and gas activity. Major industrial clusters in the North West, South Wales, the Solent, Grangemouth and the North East provide an immediate and scalable market for hydrogen, particularly for high-temperature industrial processes where electrification is not yet commercially viable. Recognising this potential, the government has sought to attract investment across the hydrogen value chain through measures including the Hydrogen Production Business Model and Hydrogen Allocation Rounds (HARs). It has also committed more than £500 million towards hydrogen infrastructure, including plans for the UK’s first regional hydrogen network by 2031 to support the production, storage and transportation of low-carbon hydrogen.
However, impending policy decisions are creating uncertainty for project developers and investors. HAR1 supported 11 projects (such as Bradford Low Carbon Hydrogen in Yorkshire) and HAR2 shortlisted a further 27 further projects (such as Green Hydrogen 5 in Wales). However, progress has been slower than anticipated, with only a limited number of HAR1 projects advancing towards Final Investment Decisions. Progress on HAR2 has also been limited, as shortlisted projects remain in the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero’s due diligence and cost assurance process, with developers still lacking clarity on when that process will conclude. At the same time, the revised Hydrogen Strategy, originally expected in autumn 2025, remains delayed.
The combination of these delays and a lack of policy clarity have created uncertainty for developers and investors. Many project developers continue to commit substantial resources towards land, planning, engineering, grid connections and supply chain engagement while awaiting clearer signals from government. If this uncertainty persists, it risks slowing project deployment, discouraging participation in future allocation rounds and weakening the UK’s attractiveness as a destination for hydrogen investment.
With a new Prime Minister and potentially a new energy secretary, important questions remain: Will the long-awaited Hydrogen Strategy face further delays while ministers review priorities? Will it provide a clear vision for where hydrogen can deliver the greatest economic, technical, environmental and societal value? The UK has a significant opportunity to become a leader in the global hydrogen economy, but realising that potential will require clear, timely and credible policy signals from government.
If you would like to discuss GK’s public affairs offering and how policy developments may impact investment in emerging energy technologies, please contact Brett Morton at brett.morton@gkstrategy.com .
Data centres have been subject to significant scrutiny in recent years, particularly in relation to their impact on the government’s net zero agenda. In correspondence sent to the cross-party Environmental Audit Committee on 20 February 2026, the Secretary of State for Energy, Security and Net Zero Ed Miliband admitted that energy future demand from data centres, and its interaction with the UK’s net zero ambitions, remains ‘inherently uncertain’.
The government has designated data centres as ‘critical national infrastructure’ given they support nearly all economic activities as well as the day-to-day running of public services. Forecasts undertaken by trade association TechUK suggest that data centres have the potential to contribute an additional £44 billion to the UK economy by 2035, highlighting their strategic importance to the government’s economic growth agenda. The government recognises the important role data centres will play in our economy, evidenced through its commitment to deliver nearly 100 new centres over the next five years. Nonetheless, this has led to environmental groups seeking clarity from the government on how it will deliver this ambition while meeting its environmental obligations.
Under plans to expand the number of data centres, policy challenges have been raised by the wider energy sector and industry bodies, particularly around their use of energy and water. In March 2022, the National Grid Electricity System Operator (ESO) estimated that data centres consume around 2.5% of the UK’s electricity. It is likely that data centres’ electricity consumption will increase significantly over the coming years. Forecasts published by Oxford Economics in December 2025 estimate that data centres’ demand will represent 30.4% of UK’s commercial electricity consumption by 2030.
Alongside rising demand for electricity to power data centres, there is widespread debate about their impact on the water sector. In a report published by the government’s Digital Sustainability Alliance’s (GDSA) in September 2025, global water usage is predicted to increase from 1.1bn cubic metres to 6.6bn cubic metres by 2027. There is limited data available on how much water data centres use given there is currently no obligation for centres to report their water consumption. It is unsurprising therefore, that there are a range of opinions around this issue. While trade associations like TechUK challenge the notion that data centres are ‘inherently water intensive’, non-profit organisations such as Global Action Plan, have criticised the sector’s lack of transparency.
Despite the uncertainty of the sector’s capacity to support the government’s net zero ambitions, there is appetite, particularly from parliamentarians, to better understand the environmental impact of data centres. Last month, the Environmental Audit Committee launched its own inquiry into the risks and opportunities of data centres in the UK, with the committee inviting submissions from interested parties until 6 April 2026. Parliamentarians have also launched a new All-Party Parliamentary Group to examine the impact of data centres on economic growth and the UK’s net zero ambitions.
As an essential infrastructure for digital storage and the wider economy, there is potential for data centres to help facilitate rapid economic growth for the UK. While data centres are starting to come under scrutiny from parliamentarians regarding their impact on the environment, there is scope for the sector to engage with government which will be very much in listening mode. The government acknowledges the value of data centres but in order for businesses operating in this sector to succeed, the sector will need to challenge the notion that it will constrain the government’s environmental agenda.
If you would like to discuss the impact of data centres and the government’s net zero agenda in more detail, please reach out to Noureen Ahmed at Noureen@gkstrategy.com.
GK’s Hugo Tuckett examines the government’s publication of its Warm Homes Plan and what it means for the government’s green agenda
January 2026 saw the publication of the government’s long-awaited Warm Homes Plan. The plan, which is backed by £15 billion of funding and was originally due for publication in 2025, represents the sum of the measures that the government believes will deliver on its commitment to lower household energy bills by £300 over the course of this parliament (2024-29). It is also one of the government’s most entrenched policies, dating back to Labour’s time in opposition when Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer Rachel Reeves announced in 2021 that a future Labour government would deliver billions of pounds worth of new funding to support upgrades to the UK’s green infrastructure.
The Warm Homes Plan seeks to deliver a significant expansion of solar panels and heat pumps, marking a departure from previous efforts to improve the insulation of homes. Despite its original billing to improve households’ energy efficiency, the final publication of the plan sets out the energy secretary Ed Miliband’s ambition to deliver a ‘rooftop revolution’ and includes a range of measures designed to support a much greater uptake of solar panels. This has led to some concern amongst charity and industry groups who have warned that shifting to clean heat and electricity generation (including heat pumps and solar panels) before dealing with the scale of draughty homes is only going to lead to an increase in bills in the short term. It does though demonstrate the government’s shift in approach from seeking to reduce household energy consumption to increasing energy generation from renewable sources.
Ministers are eager for households to adopt a range of green measures to substantially lower bills and, in some cases, deliver ‘zero-bill’ households. The government’s thesis is that investing in the roll out of new technologies now, including heat pumps, will drive down costs further in the medium-to-long term. It also becomes much cheaper and more efficient to use a heat pump when combined with battery storage systems and solar panels. Critics will say that the government should be thinking much more radically about how it plans to rebalance the levies on energy, so that it can bring down the cost of electricity for all if it really wants to see people make the shift from gas to electricity. Aside from the government reiterating its decision to remove £150 worth of levies from energy bills through the abolition of the Energy Company Obligation (ECO), this plan does not tackle that more intractable problem.
The funding included in the plan is predominantly aimed at low-income households, but there is some financial support available to all homes. The plan will administer £4.4 billion in grants to low income households and social landlords. This will include fully funded upgrade schemes, including solar and heat pumps, depending on the assessment of the building. It will also establish a £5.3 billion Warm Homes Fund which will be available to all households. This includes £2 billion in low-and-no-interest consumer loans and £2.7 billion for innovative finance products in the home upgrade system. The government aims to upgrade five million homes by 2030 and lift one million homes out of fuel poverty through the plan, which will be overseen by a new government body, the Warm Homes Agency.
The publication of the plan is a significant moment for the government and for energy secretary Ed Miliband. Despite previous climbdowns on the amount of funding that would be made available to support the government’s green agenda, Miliband has deftly navigated both HM Treasury and the Cabinet to retain a sizeable portion of funding to deliver on his ambitions in the sector when other departments are experiencing real-terms cuts. As the 2029 general election approaches, there will be real pressure on the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero to deliver on the ambitions of the plan, which sits in an area of public policy where the government will be hoping to draw a clear dividing line with Reform UK. The government has spent a lot of its first 18 months in power talking up its efforts to boost the UK’s green credentials and lower household energy bills – now it’s all about delivery.