Monthly Archives: October 2025

Conservative Party Conference 2025

GK’s Associate Director, Will Blackman, shares his take on the Conservative Conference.

This year’s Conservative Party conference – Kemi Badenoch’s first as party leader – was a major test for the party that has struggled to find its sense of direction after its catastrophic election defeat last year. Against a background of plummeting polling numbers, and criticism of what some see as Badenoch’s low energy and lethargical approach to the job, the opportunity was hers to lose. A successful conference was necessary to stabilise the ship and shore up her position, at least in the short term.

The conference began with a conveniently timed announcement of a new party policy – to leave the European Convention on Human Rights. Other headline grabbing announcements then followed; including a pledge to remove 750,000 illegal migrants, cutting overseas aid to 0.1% of gross national income, and £47bn of cuts to government spending, including welfare. These were preceded before the conference by a pledge to repeal the Climate Change Act 2008, which Badenoch said tied us in red tape, loaded us with costs, and did nothing to cut global emissions”.

What these policies do tell us is that the Conservative Party has decided where it wants to focus its electoral energies. New policies that are thinly veiled replicas of longstanding Reform or Farage positions, including on migration, aid and net zero, are evidently not intended to appeal to so-called ‘blue wall’ voters that the party lost to disastrous effect to the Liberal Democrats at the last General Election.  Instead, the so-called ‘red wall’, where Reform is increasingly at its strongest, it would seem is where the Conservatives want to apply their focus. How far this strategy can take the party, which continues to be out-polled by Reform by more than two-to-one, will be the defining story of the Conservative Party in this parliament, and of Badenoch’s leadership.

The conference itself was something of a mixed bag. Footfall was clearly significantly down on previous years, with reports of fringe events being cancelled and photos of a half empty conference hall on social media, all adding to the general sense of malaise. However, on the whole, shadow cabinet performances were fairly assured, with no major missteps or negative headlines. To that extent, the conference largely delivered what the party leadership needed it to.

The dog that didn’t bark during conference was further high-profile MP defections to Reform; much speculated about in recent weeks and hinted at by Nigel Farage himself following his own party’s conference. Whether it was ever true or if it was a case of cold feet, the Conservative leadership will have breathed a sigh of relief, at least for the moment.

Badenoch’s own speech on Wednesday was, on all accounts, a good performance. It won’t have escaped some people’s notice that many of her policy commitments appear to involve reversing policy decisions taken by the last Conservative government, with those on energy and net zero being the most obvious. Nevertheless, it was a speech that delivered the goods for now and received a strong reception from those in the hall. The announcement that a future Conservative government would abolish stamp duty will be music to the ears of many party members. However, with the prospect of a Conservative government taking office any time soon looking highly remote, the more interesting question will be whether the Labour government feels under pressure to make any moves of its own in this area between now and the next general election.

On balance, Badenoch has probably given just enough on policy and performance to see off any immediate threat to her position. However it remains the case that next year’s local elections will be the crunch electoral test for Badenoch’s leadership. Whilst some of the murmuring may fall away for now, without a significant positive change in the party’s polling position and as MPs grow increasingly concerned about losing their own seats, her longer-term future remains far from secure. Having only lost office last year, the Conservatives need more time for memories to fade on their record in office and to benefit from the failings of the Labour government. Unfortunately for Badenoch, with little discernible movement in the polls, time is not on her side.

Tiny Humans, Big Lessons: Early years under Labour a year on

GK’s Thea Southwell Reeves examines how Labour has placed early years at the heart of its social mobility agenda by focusing on high-quality, education-led provision.

 

Early years is a priority for government and has been since it first entered office last year. High quality early years education is a cornerstone of the equal opportunities ‘mission’ to break the link between a child’s background and their future success. Bridget Phillipson had championed early years long before the election and the appointment of the first ever early years minister was an indication of the priority it would have in the new Department for Education (DfE).

Although several of Labour’s early years policies have continued the work of previous governments, this government’s key ideological shift is away from seeing childcare as simply an economic issue to a focus on the provision of high-quality early education as a driver of social mobility. Addressing regional gaps in childcare provision known as ‘childcare deserts’ is fundamental to this, as is increasing the focus on quality to close the growing disadvantage gap in school readiness.

During its first year, the government’s priority has been implementing the final stages of the funding entitlements roll outs, which were completed this month. Now, eligible working parents of children aged 9 months to 5 years are entitled to 30 hours of funding per week. Overall, the expansion of funding has driven demand for spaces. The government had set a target of creating 85,000 new early years childcare places by September 2025 to support the roll out of funding expansions. It is not yet clear whether this target has been met, butInitial analysis suggests that most of this additional capacity has been concentrated in areas where provision already exists rather than creating new capacity in childcare deserts.

The government’s schools-based nurseries programme is designed to focus new provision in disadvantaged areas with 189 of the 300 government-funded new or expanded in-school settings opening this month. About 10% of school-based nursery provision is delivered by a PVI partnership. The second phase of funding is now open for applications and is prioritising high quality bids from schools in the most disadvantaged communities.

What’s next for early years?

The funding rates to deliver the government-funded childcare have always been contentious, with the industry maintaining that the funding simply does not reflect the true cost of provision. This has led many providers to use additional charges to ‘top up’ their income but the government has pushed back on this, revising the guidance around chargeable extras earlier this year. In its new strategy for the sector, published in July, the DfE announced a full review of early years funding, including the merits of national funding formulae. It will consult on proposals by summer 2026 and businesses should be monitoring and contributing to this process. The strategy also includes plans to increase the funding available to providers to support children with SEND and improve the way funding is allocated as part of the government’s wider reforms to the SEND system. More detail will be set out on this in the schools white paper this autumn.

The early years strategy, for the first time, raises DfE concerns about a rise in large providers backed by private equity. These providers, according to DfE, ‘are less likely to operate in deprived areas…and over time this can result in price rises and disruption to services.’ At the heart of this is a concern about market exits that could destabilise regional childcare provision. Policymakers will continue to monitor the financial sustainability of the early years market and may take further steps to increase market transparency if appropriate. This could include measures like those being taken in adult or children’s social care, such as a financial oversight mechanism. For businesses and investors, monitoring the development of this policy thinking and engaging with the policymaking process is vital to minimising any risk associated with such policy change, as well as realising commercial opportunities.

If you’d like to discuss early years policy in more detail please reach out to Thea on thea@gkstrategy.com

Labour Party Conference 2025 Takeaways

As the party departs Liverpool, still clearly grappling with the challenges of what being the party of government brings, we’ve learned a lot about the direction the party is going. Here are our quick takeaways.

Keir Starmer has shored up his position…for now. With the noise going into this conference all about the leadership challenge from Manchester’s Andy Burnham, the sight of his early departure from conference before the PM’s speech will please No.10. In what could have been a perilous week for the PM, strong reaffirmation of the Chancellor’s fiscal rules, coupled with strong defences from cabinet ministers and aides, resulted in Burnham conceding that Starmer is the “right person for the job”. You can’t help but add the line “for the moment…” with other rising stars like Shabana Mahmood and Wes Streeting clearly biding their time.

Labour is taking the fight to reform. In what was probably his strongest speech as party leader, Starmer clearly set the parameters for British politics. For him, this is about Labour vs Reform. Decency vs division. Ultimately, the class-conscious speech was a deliberate attempt to win back the working class that has increasingly abandoned the party over the years to the likes of Reform. In this more combative approach, he also decried Reform’s policies on immigration as “racist”. A punchy line of attack which worked in the room, but he will hope doesn’t unravel as a perceived attack on all Reform sympathisers who are doubting the centrist parties’ ability to deliver.

The looming budget has not got any easier. In media briefings over the weekend, and in her speech, Rachel Reeves continued the manifesto commitment to not raise taxes on working people. Whilst at the same time, to appease critical voices in the Labour party, she is flirting with the idea of more spending – both on infrastructure and lifting the two-child limit. She said she is a chancellor that wants to invest. None of this sounds like a chancellor staring down the prospect of having to find £30bn in November to plug the gap predicted by the OBR.

The difference a Labour government makes. This has been the underlying strategic narrative of the conference to fend off criticism there is no difference between this government and a Conservative one. We saw speech after speech rattle off long lists of tangible activities the government has taken across the policy spectrum.  We can expect much more of this narrative to come, together with a clear focus on ‘showing’ that delivery to the electorate, rather than just ‘telling‘ them.