Category Archives: Government

Opportunity or Uncertainty? What the government reshuffle means for food and agriculture businesses

The government’s latest reshuffle has moved two Defra heavyweights to new departments. Rt Hon Steve Reed MP and Daniel Zeichner MP had invested time and energy in building relationships with the food and farming industries and getting to grips with the challenges faced by businesses in each. With a new secretary of state heading up the department and a new farming minister now appointed, the challenge for both the ministerial team and the sector is to hit the ground running and ensure policy progress does not stall.

The first all-female ministerial team, the new Defra team is certainly groundbreaking. Each minister brings experiences from different backgrounds and with that, a different set of priorities. For businesses in the food and agricultural sectors, these appointments signal both opportunity and uncertainty, raising questions about how the department will approach issues like rural growth, food security, and land management.

A fresh new ministerial line up at Defra presents farming and agricultural businesses with a wealth of opportunities. In the aftermath of a reshuffle, businesses should be thinking about how to best introduce themselves and strike up a relationship with the new team. While getting to grips with their briefs, ministers will be seeking solutions to the challenges they face. Aligning your business with the government’s priorities, and offering tangible solutions, will be the most effective way to gain trust.

New Appointment: Emma Reynolds – Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs

Emma Reynolds was appointed as Secretary of State for the Environment, Food and Rural Affairs on 5 September 2025, replacing Steve Reed. Reynolds joins Defra from the Treasury, where she served as Economic Secretary to the Treasury and City Minister. She was elected as the MP for Wycombe last year.

The reaction to Reynolds’ appointment from the agricultural community has been largely positive. Shortly after assuming the role, Reynolds met with NFU President Tom Bradshaw, who described their meeting as a ‘constructive and positive conversation’. Speaking to the Farmers Weekly Podcast, Jonathan Roberts of the Country, Land and Business Association stated that Reynolds is ‘pretty interested’ in farming and that she understands the challenges that the industry is facing. In a year where farmers have been protesting in Westminster, particularly over the issue of inheritance tax relief, rebuilding trust between the agricultural community and the government is crucial. Reynolds’ background in the Treasury could also be an advantage for the industry. Whilst she might lack experience in dealing with agricultural issues, her financial acumen and understanding of how the Treasury works is an important starting point for unlocking rural growth and protecting the industry.

New Appointment: Dame Angela Eagle CBE – Minister of State (Minister for Food Security and Rural Affairs)

Dame Angela replaced Daniel Zeichner MP as Minister for Food Security and Rural Affairs as part of last week’s cabinet reshuffle. Eagle joins Defra from the Home Office, where she served as Minister of State for Border Security and Asylum. She has been the MP for Wallasey for over thirty years and has a wealth of experience in both government and the shadow cabinet.

Eagle’s appointment has attracted a mixed reaction from the agricultural community. Whilst Eagle’s profile as a senior Labour MP might result in farming becoming a significant issue on the policy agenda, she is seen more as a political operator rather than a sector insider. Despite the backlash regarding changes to inheritance tax relief for agricultural assets, Zeichner was praised for his ability to build relationships with the farming community. Therefore, it is important that Eagle engages with the sector to the same extent and grasps the realities of the challenges faced by the agricultural community.

Existing Appointment: Emma Hardy MP – Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State (Minister for Water and Flooding)

Emma Hardy MP was appointed to her current ministerial position in July 2024, having previously served as Shadow Minister for Environmental Quality and Resilience. Hardy is a trained teacher and worked for the National Union of Teachers before entering politics.

Since taking office, Hardy has dedicated significant funding to enhance resilience against flooding. This includes £60 million in recovery payments to farm businesses, and £50 million to support internal drainage boards in reducing flood risks in rural areas. Hardy has also been proactive in supporting the construction of new infrastructure to enhance water security, such as the Havant Thicket Reservoir.

However, Hardy has been involved in flashpoints between the government and the agricultural sector. In January 2025, the government rejected an application from British Sugar and the NFU to use an emergency neonicotinoid pesticide on sugar beet, with Hardy stating that the decision was made to protect bees. This illustrates the complexity of government decision making when balancing agricultural productivity with environmental impact. This dynamic is likely to continue throughout the remainder of this parliament.

Existing Appointment: Mary Creagh MP – Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State (Minister for Nature)

Mary Creagh MP was appointed as Minister for Nature in July 2024. Creagh has an extensive background in environmental affairs, as previous chair of the Environmental Audit Committee and previous shadow Defra secretary of state.

Key milestones for her tenure as Minister for Nature include the announcement of a Nature Restoration Fund, which promises to work alongside farms in supporting conservation efforts, and a £1.1 billion boost to improving local recycling services in England. In June 2025, Creagh also announced a £13.6 million scheme to support farming and cut food waste by redistributing surplus produce to homelessness charities and food banks.

Existing Appointment: Baroness Hayman of Ullock – Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State (Lords Minister)

Baroness Hayman has been a Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at Defra since July 2024, bringing with her extensive parliamentary and environmental experience. Baroness Hayman took up her peerage in the House of Lords in 2020. She served as Shadow Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs between 2017 and 2019, and later the Shadow Environmental Spokesperson from 2020 to 2024.

As a passionate animal welfare advocate, most of Baroness Hayman’s parliamentary activities fall under that responsibility. However, she has also sought to promote the interests of British farmers in supporting government efforts to protect livestock by implementing preventative measures against the spread of foot and mouth disease.

Starmer’s forced reshuffle won’t distract from the challenges ahead

Keir Starmer has a natural dislike for carrying out reshuffles, recognising the political damage they have caused for several of his predecessors. Reshuffles can end up creating more enemies than friends, and despite a working majority of over 150, Starmer will be only too aware that his personal approval rating is at its lowest ebb since the election last year.

While the timing of the reshuffle was far from ideal, the resignation of Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner for a failure to pay the correct amount of stamp duty forced his hand. Last week was originally billed as the second phase of the Labour government’s programme for change. If year one was about clearing up the Conservative mess, year two was supposed to be all about implementation and delivery. But no sooner than No.10 had announced its 2.0 reset, the government’s ethics adviser found Rayner in breach of the ministerial code, forcing Starmer onto the back foot and wrestling to regain the political narrative.

Emerging from the reshuffle were three themes. The first was the rise of Labour’s future leadership candidates. On the Blairite wing of the party is the immovable Wes Streeting at Health. With waiting times for elective care heading in the right direction and one of the best media performers in government, Streeting has embedded his position as one of the big beasts within the party. Another MP that has moved firmly centre stage is Shabana Mahmood. Applauded for her handling of the prison crisis shortly after Labour entered office, she has been rewarded with a big promotion to the Home Office. Mahmood is seen as part of Blue Labour – a movement within the party designed to promote policies that bring back working class ‘blue-collar’ communities to Labour. Mahmood has demonstrated she is willing to take a more radical approach to policy, and with the small boats at the top of the political agenda, she has been entrusted to stop the crossings and eliminate the asylum backlog.

The second theme thrown into stark relief by Rayner’s departure is the widening gap in the soft left of the Party. There is an opportunity for someone on this wing to pick up the baton as a future leadership candidate. Some of the candidates emerging on the soft left, including Bridget Phillipson, Louise Haigh and Emily Thornberry, have already thrown their hats into the ring to become the next Deputy Labour leader. This is a potential headache for Starmer, who used this reshuffle to secure positions for several Blairites within the Cabinet, and who won’t want a powerful counterpoint within the party creating unhelpful new powerbases. One to watch will be Manchester mayor Andy Burnham, who is believed to want to return to Westminster politics at some point in the future. The deputy leadership race will run until 25 October, and all eyes will be on whether the internal party politics of the next six weeks create wider political difficulties for Starmer. The mood of the Parliamentary Labour Party will be under the spotlight, as will the success (or not) of No.10 and the Whips Office at party management.

The final theme to note is that Starmer has brought several experienced MPs back into government, and moved out some familiar faces. Ian Murray, former Secretary of State for Scotland, may be justified if he feels hard done by, having been shuffled out of government. During Labour’s years in opposition he was the only Labour MP in Scotland. In a sign of Starmer’s willingness to be ruthless when required, he has brought back veteran politician Douglas Alexander, who served in the cabinets of both Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, to head up the Scotland brief. Another example is Emma Reynolds, who has been appointed Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs. Reynolds was an MP between 2010 and 2019 and successfully ousted Conservative MP Steve Baker at the 2024 General Election to return to parliament. The experience of these senior politicians reflects Starmer’s commitment to focus on delivery.

After a difficult first year in government that saw the Prime Minister expend a significant amount of political capital, and with a challenging Budget ahead, Starmer will be acutely aware that his government must now deliver. Otherwise, there is a real risk that this period of labour in office could be viewed as a wasted opportunity.

Labour’s second year in office will be politically charged. Important pieces of legislation will be brought forward and new policy will be developed and introduced. This represents an opportunity for organisations to engage in the policy making process and have their voices heard. If you would like to discuss how best to achieve cut-through in a busy political environment, please do get in touch with GK Strategy’s expert team of political strategists and government relations experts.

Making the most of party conference season

GK Strategy is pleased to share its guide to effective engagement with policymakers during party conference season.

Insight from the GK team on making the most of party conferences can be accessed here: https://gkstrategy.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/Engaging-at-Party-Conference-Season-GK-Strategy-September-2025.pdf

How can agri-tech prepare for the next parliamentary term?

MPs might be on their summer break but what can you be doing to prepare for the next parliamentary term?

August in Westminster is a quieter time. Government grinds to a halt as MPs return home to continue business back in their elected constituencies. This downtime in the political calendar grants companies a rare breathing space – and the opportunity to turn attentions to resetting government relations plans and preparing for the parliamentary year ahead.

Before parliament returns on 1 September, businesses should be taking the time to think about how to best prepare for the government’s second year in office. Although parliament is in recess, there’s still plenty we can be getting on with to develop an effective strategy and work towards policy objectives. From strengthening stakeholder engagement strategies to assessing regulatory risk, the planning taken now will make the crucial difference between scrambling to adapt to policy announcements and confidently navigating the next wave of policy decisions.

So, what should businesses be thinking about during these summer months?

Engaging with the civil service

While parliament draws to a close over the summer, the civil service remains central to ensuring the smooth operation of public services. Officials continue to work on the implementation of government policies, running consultations, and preparing for the legislative activity that is set to resume in the autumn.

For businesses, the absence of parliamentary activity offers a valuable opportunity to take stock of their existing relationships with civil servants, assess the strength of those channels of communication and identify where they could be expanded. Civil servants tend to be a bit quieter over summer too, so it’s the perfect time to catch up over a coffee in preparation for the year ahead.

Monitoring Parliamentary Committees

Similarly to the civil service, parliamentary committees continue their business while MPs are away. Staff continue to work behind the scenes, launching calls for evidence and meeting businesses in their sectors of interest. In recent weeks, we’ve seen a flurry of committee activity affecting the agri-tech space.

The Science, Innovation and Technology Committee have launched an inquiry into innovation and global food security, actively seeking to hear from agri-tech businesses about how new agricultural practices can catalyse food production. Each Committee’s reports, which are written using the evidence submitted to the inquiry, land directly on ministers’ desks – offering businesses the space to communicate exactly what they need from government to succeed.

Can we also add the health one here? One of the focuses of the health one is healthy food and many of the agri-tech businesses focus on improving nutritional content e.g. precision breeding.

Preparing for Party Conferences

The annual party conferences mark a significant moment in the political calendar. Taking place over September and October, each conference allows parties to set their political agenda and rally support from members and industry. For Labour as the governing party, this means actively listening to and engaging with businesses of all sizes to better understand their priorities, concerns, and capacity to contribute to the party’s core objective of economic growth. With agri-tech flagged as a frontier industry within the government’s industrial strategy, the party conference will provide a useful avenue for businesses within the sector to raise their profile with government.

For opposition parties, conferences are a critical space for developing and refining alternative policies that can challenge the government’s agenda. Without the responsibility of running departments day-to-day, opposition parties can use this time to strategise ideas that could credibly form the backbone of their next election manifesto.

Meeting with MPs

Although MPs are back in their constituencies during recess, they are not on officially out of office. During this time MPs turn their attentions to local priorities, such as meeting constituents, visiting community projects and engaging with businesses in their area. Businesses, and especially those developing cutting edge agricultural technology, should think about inviting MPs to visit their sites to see first-hand innovation in the sector. Demonstrating tangible contributions to local employment, food security, environmental sustainability, or economic growth can help MPs see how your business aligns with their constituents’ interests and supports the government’s wider priorities.

Building and strengthening relations with MPs is at the core of effective political engagement. An MP who understands your business and believes in its potential can be a powerful advocate by championing your work in parliament or connecting you with relevant ministers and officials.

Although the political pace of the parliamentary summer recess might feel slower, this is no time for businesses to wind down. Whether through strengthening relationships with civil servants, preparing for the party conference season, or engaging directly with MPs in their constituencies, the weeks remaining weeks until 1 September grant businesses the time to reassess their political engagement. Using this time productively will enable businesses to position themselves as constructive partners to government, trusted to feed into the conversations that will shape Labour’s next year in office and beyond.

Housing Policy Under Labour: One Year On

Twelve months ago, the Labour government was elected on a manifesto with housing policy at its heart. It pledged to improve the lives of renters, as well as make housing more affordable by accelerating housebuilding and reforming planning policy, which in turn placed housing policy at the centre of the government’s ‘growth mission’.

One year on from this government taking office, what have been the major trends in housing policy under Labour, and how much progress is it making against the commitments it set out before the election? In this blog, our consultants Sam Tankard, Will Blackman and Joshua Owolabi look at the biggest housing policy initiatives from the government and what to expect next.

Planning and Housebuilding

The root of many troubles facing UK construction and housebuilding lies in the planning system which, in its promise of reform back in 2023, Labour committed to “back the builders not the blockers”. This move was seen as necessary if Labour had any hopes of meeting its manifesto promise to build 1.5 million homes over the course of this parliament. This was always a tall order given the UK has averaged 150,000 new homes between 2013 – 2023, despite targets often still sitting at around 300,000 a year.

The government’s Planning and Infrastructure Bill was introduced earlier this year as one of its flagship pieces of legislation, designed to speed up the delivery of new homes, increase capacity of local planning authorities with new planning officers, unlock land through compulsory purchase orders, and introduce a Nature Restoration Fund to offset environmental impacts.

This was welcomed by developers, investors and pro-housing campaigners as a sign that the government was finally putting in the policy requirements to unlock the level of growth needed to hit their targets, especially as housebuilding ‘starts’ since the beginning of this parliament are sitting at 186,000 – some way off the government’s target.

However, those same supportive voices now feel disappointed that the government has already started to water down the bill, even after removing the whip from an MP for leading a rebellion against it. In its original form, the bill was not considered hugely radical: criticised in part for only making tweaks rather than wholesale change. It does not, for example, even deal with the wider issues hindering development such as zoning and the value of available land, the labour skills shortages in construction, or the rising cost of materials that are pushing up the cost of housebuilding.

Now in the Lords, the government has introduced amendments that would make Environmental Delivery Plans harder and more complicated, as developers will now have to demonstrate how it will contribute positively to nature, and giving Natural England a potential veto on the delivery of new homes.

This significant concession signals the bill could be weakened further still, making it neither effective in delivering the housing at scale, nor enshrining the environmental protections that campaigners want to see. Housing Secretary, Angela Rayner, will need to use her political heft in the Cabinet to demonstrate the government remains on track and isn’t just compromising on a damp squib. After all, as a former prime minister once said, “standing in the middle of the road is very dangerous, you get knocked by the traffic from both sides”.

Rental Reform

One of the most significant areas of housing policy reform over the last 12-months was in fact originated under the last Conservative government. The Renters’ Rights Bill, which is currently coming towards the end of its passage through Parliament, has been a long time in the making.

It was the Theresa May government in 2019 that first consulted on reforms to rebalance the rights and responsibilities of landlord and tenants, which included ending the ability of landlords to issue Section 21 notices, or ‘no-fault’ evictions. This change continues to be the centrepiece of the bill and is intended to give greater stability and security of tenure to tenants. The bill also provides landlords with reformed and expanded grounds for seeking possession of their properties under Section 8 of the Housing Act 1988. This includes cases where the landlord wishes to sell or to move into the property themselves. Other measures include stricter requirements around rent increases, the creation of a new ombudsman, new requirements on landlords to remedy mould and damp problems, and a new right for tenants to request a pet.

The Conservative government’s version of this legislation – then called the Renters’ Reform Bill – fell away following the dissolution of the last parliament. Labour’s version of the legislation includes some significant differences to its predecessor, including increased notice and grace periods, and a three-month requirement of rent arrears before a landlord can seek possession, up from the two months proposed by the Conservatives. Almost all of the changes put forward by Labour are to the benefit of tenants rather than landlords.

Taken together, these reforms are the most significant changes to the regulation of the private rented sector for over 35 years. The residential landlord sector has been careful not to be seen to oppose the legislation outright given the unhelpful optics around this. However, many individual landlords are concerned that the balance has tipped too far away from them, potentially leaving many unable to take back possession of their properties in reasonable circumstances. Court backlogs have provided an additional layer of concern, with delays in processing evictions claims already persisting in many parts of England, and many landlords calling for significant improvements in order to allay their concerns.

Some industry leaders such as Propertymark and the National Residential Landlords Association have warned that the proposed provisions could lead to landlords withdrawing from the sector, in turn limiting supply and driving up rents. The Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government’s own impact assessment does not predict an exodus of landlords from the sector. Indeed, landlords have been subject to a raft of regulatory and tax changes since 2015, but these have not resulted in significant divestment from the private rental market, which many had predicted at the time. There is no question that these reforms are significant, but the longer-term impact of them may not be seen for many years to come.

Leasehold Reform

The Leasehold and Freehold Reform Act 2024 (LAFRA 2024) was passed by the previous Conservative government to strengthen leaseholders’ rights. However, its implementation has become the responsibility of the Starmer government as many of the reforms within the act require secondary legislation before they come into effect. This is a significant task given the high number and complexity of the provisions within the act.

In March 2025, the government implemented measures set out in LAFRA 2024 strengthening Right to Manage (RTM) provisions. Prior to March, landlords had been able to recover the costs of dealing with the RTM claim from the RTM company at the end of the process. Now, in a non-contentious claim, the landlord cannot recover any of its costs from the RTM company or the participating leaseholders.

The government is also consulting on the charges leaseholders – and homeowners on freehold estates – pay and the services they receive. One of the most significant challenges for leaseholders under the previous system was the inconsistent format of service charge demands. Once implemented, the new format will require landlords and managing agents to ensure that all demands on leaseholders are consistent, clear, and easy to understand. Any deviation from this prescribed format will render non-payment or late payment provisions in the lease unenforceable, providing a powerful incentive for landlords to comply.

While measures in the LAFRA 2024 will reduce excessive fees for leaseholders, many leaseholders may not fully understand their new rights under the reforms given the complexity of the act. Property agents will need to stay up-to-date with the regulations to guide tenants effectively, especially when it comes to disputes or questions about lease terms. Agents who manage leasehold properties will also need to maintain clear communication with freeholders, ensuring that lease terms comply with the new rules.

Despite the work already undertaken, the government intends to introduce further reforms. The Minister for Housing and Planning, Matthew Pennycook, has long favoured moving away from the leasehold system. As a result, the government has proposed a Leasehold and Commonhold Reform Bill, which will be introduced to parliament before the end of 2025. The bill would aim to make commonhold the default tenure for new flats and allow individual properties within a building or larger development to be owned on a freehold basis.

High quality property managing agents are likely to benefit from the proposed measures. Pennycook has made it clear that agents already play a key role in managing multi-occupancy buildings and freehold estates, and their importance will only increase with the proposed commonhold reforms.

Under the proposed model, agents would be employed by commonhold associations to assist in the day-to-day management of a building, and it is anticipated that almost all new commonhold developments, especially larger or more complex buildings, will be established with a managing agent to help run the site on their behalf. This could drive demand for agents with a strong track record of block management. The government is also considering whether it should be mandatory for a managing agent with appropriate expertise to look after high-risk buildings. Furthermore, the government is consulting on proposals for mandatory qualifications for agents and is highly likely to include measures regulating training and standards for agents in the proposed commonhold bill.

So far, the government made significant progress in enacting its leasehold reform agenda. Despite legal challenges to LAFRA 2024 and opposition from landlords to reforms, Matthew Pennycook and Angela Rayner seem determined to press ahead. Therefore, we can expect major changes to leasehold, commonhold and freehold regulation over the course of this parliament that will present new obstacles and opportunities for the housing sector.

Policy Spotlight: Energy and Net Zero

Foreword

Scott Dodsworth, Managing Director and Senior Partner at GK Strategy

The central part of Labour’s election pitch to the country last year was unlocking economic growth. Over Labour’s first year in office, it remains clear that Energy Secretary Ed Miliband, with the backing of the Prime Minister and Chancellor, sees delivering energy security and the net zero transition as central to that.

The consistently high cost of energy, against the background of an ongoing cost of living crisis and struggling public finances, is contributing to growing scepticism about the transition to net zero – largely from the Conservatives under Kemi Badenoch, and an increasingly popular Reform party. Despite this, the Prime Minister has doubled down on net zero as part of the UK’s industrial strategy.

After something of a false start after the 2024 general election, the government is now moving at pace. It sees the remainder of 2025 as a crucial period to deliver on its promises to an impatient electorate: to bring down energy bills and push to 95% clean power by 2030. Since the spring, we have seen the government publish its Industrial Strategy, of which green industries were seen as a frontier sector. Ed Miliband also secured a healthy departmental budget in the June spending review despite cuts elsewhere. These, together with the wider cross government approaches to planning, infrastructure and the National Wealth Fund, are all signals that the government is kicking up a gear on its net zero delivery.

To deliver on its promises, the government is looking for solutions from businesses. There is a renewed willingness across Whitehall to engage with those who can partner with government to unlock the private investment to fund these commitments at the pace and scale required. There is also impatience within mission-driven departments to ‘get on with the job’ – including for DESNZ’s ‘Mission Control’ – so speed is of the essence. Good government relations have rarely been so important to businesses that want to be on the right side of the relevant policy debates underpinning this mission.

Our cross-sector and connected team at GK Strategy is immersed in energy and industrial policy. We work to support businesses and investors to better understand the political and regulatory environment and align our advisory services around your strategic and commercial aims. This report takes a closer look at the key pillars of the government’s net zero agenda: energy efficiency, grid and power supply, and transport decarbonisation.

In politically febrile times like these, it is important that organisations are consistently making their case to government so that they can maximise opportunities where they arise, as well as mitigate risk. We look forward to working with you to realise opportunities.

Energy efficiency – the quiet engine powering Labour’s net zero agenda

Sam Tankard, Senior Associate

In the race to net zero, energy efficiency is perhaps one of the less glamourous parts of the policy puzzle. The government’s mission to achieve 95% clean power by 2030 has dominated public messaging and policy bandwidth. But while clean energy generation captures the headlines and the government’s attention, reducing demand through insulation and electrified heating remains one of the more cost-effective levers available to a government with little money to throw around.

Retrofit and ‘fabric first’ measures – such as insulation upgrades and draught-proofing – are proven, scalable technologies that deliver immediate benefits, not least on household bills. After all, the cheapest energy is that we don’t use. With many households still feeling the impact of the cost-of-living crisis, voters are likely to judge the success of the energy transition by whether they feel it’s becoming cheaper to heat their homes. In that context, energy efficiency should be seen as not just central to climate strategy, but to the government’s economic and electoral strategy.

The Warm Homes Plan: A consolidated approach

The government’s flagship Warm Homes Plan aims to consolidate and scale existing schemes including the Warm Home Discount, Boiler Upgrade Scheme, and the Social Housing Decarbonisation Fund. It also introduces new Minimum Energy Efficiency Standards (MEES) across both the private and social rented sectors. Energy Secretary Ed Miliband successfully secured the full £13.2 billion needed to deliver the scheme in the June spending review – no small feat in a fiscal environment defined by restraint. This commitment is a clear signal of Labour’s intent to start to put energy efficiency on a par with clean energy generation – and of Ed Miliband’s strength within the Cabinet, despite the negative briefings against him.

Will the Plan deliver a genuinely integrated approach to home decarbonisation, or is it a rebranding of legacy Conservative programmes? The recent restructure of DESNZ – giving the Plan its own delivery team – suggests it will. Energy efficiency is also being linked to job creation, supply chain development, and regional growth. However, if this ambition is to be realised at scale, subsidies alone and piecemeal grants will not suffice. The sector needs a long-term investment framework that can attract institutional capital and mobilise private finance – one that de-risks retrofit projects, supports innovation across the supply chain and gives confidence to the investor community. This framework has not yet been brought forward, and its absence may hamper large-scale investment in the space.

Regulation will drive the market

Regulation is beginning to move the dial. Reforms to the Energy Performance Certificate (EPC) methodology will require more homeowners and landlords to invest in fabric-first improvements, smart controls, and low-carbon heating. From 2026, new MEES requirements and an updated Decent Homes Standard are set to kick in, compelling landlords to upgrade their properties by 2030. These reforms are expected to drive significant market demand through the remainder of this Parliament – providing a welcome growth stimulus for retrofit supply chains, innovators and engineers.

Clean heat still stuck in second gear

Progress on the clean heat transition continues to lag behind the government’s targets. Labour has consulted on expanding the Boiler Upgrade Scheme to include air-to-air heat pumps and heat batteries, reflecting a desire to support a range of technologies. However, political caution looms large. The backlash faced by Germany over heat pump mandates has made ministers wary of appearing prescriptive, particularly where upfront costs for consumers, and particularly for lower income households, remain high for these technologies.

Heat pumps are still significantly more expensive than gas boilers, both in terms of installation and ongoing energy costs. Public funding falls short of matching the scale of ambition set by national targets. As of May 2025, the UK had just 412 heat pumps per 100,000 people, compared to over 3,000 per 100,000 across comparable European countries, highlighting the significant implementation gap in the UK.

The electricity pricing trap

Underlying many of these challenges is a structural pricing problem. The UK’s gas-heavy energy mix means that gas sets the marginal price of electricity 98% of the time, compared to just 39% in other European markets. As a result, electricity remains artificially expensive, making the economics of clean heat harder to justify. Labour’s clean power push aims to shift this overreliance on gas but change will take time.

In the interim, the government is considering options such as rebalancing environmental levies away from electricity and onto gas, or absorbing them into general taxation. These options are politically sensitive and the nettle is yet to be grasped. The recent debate over zonal pricing in the electricity market review signals deeper tensions in how costs are distributed geographically and socially.

The pricing debate about who pays for energy in a way that is fair will be back soon enough. How this will impact the decarbonisation of heat will be one businesses should follow closely, and take the opportunity to share their view accordingly.

Energy efficiency may not dominate the net zero headlines, but for a Labour government seeking to deliver tangible economic outcomes, reduce bills, and meet its climate targets, it is increasingly central to the political and policy equation. The coming months will reveal whether this this is matched by delivery, investment, and a market framework robust enough to make retrofit a genuine national success story.

Clean power meets smart tech

Noureen Ahmed, Adviser, and Arth Malani, Researcher

The government’s Clean Power 2030 Action Plan, published late last year, positioned wind and solar energy as the backbone of the UK’s future energy system.

It also highlighted how these developments will support the rapid growth of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the digital infrastructure underpinning it, particularly data centres. It is no surprise that clean energy and AI remain central pillars for this government, as they underpin both economic competitiveness and energy security in an increasingly volatile global environment.

The government is committed to securing a cost-effective, low-carbon energy system while catalysing the growth of new energy and technology industries. Leveraging cutting-edge technologies such as automation and AI will be crucial to accelerating the decarbonisation of the grid, reducing emissions, and enhancing system resilience. Against a backdrop of rising geopolitical tension and global energy market instability, the Action Plan – and the subsequent strategy documents like the Clean Energy Industries Sector Plan and Solar Roadmap – underscore the urgency of fortifying the UK’s energy infrastructure. These initiatives also work towards derisking much of these large scale renewable generation projects – particularly through changes to the contracts for difference auction programme.

Grid connections still an obstacle

One of the most pressing challenges identified in recent strategy documents is the exponential growth of the grid connection queue, which has expanded more than tenfold over the past five years. Financial and regulatory barriers have slowed progress, stalling renewable projects at a time when urgency is paramount. In response, the government is pivoting toward a more agile, readiness-driven grid connection regime. By reforming planning frameworks and moving toward a “get on or get out” approach to the queue with Ofgem and the National Energy System Operator, the government is sending a strong signal to renewable developers that this government is about more than just subsidies to stoke supply. The intended outcome is twofold: accelerating the deployment of renewable infrastructure while enabling the co-location of energy-intensive facilities, such as data centres and transformers, near these clean power sources. This strategic alignment demonstrates the increasingly symbiotic relationship between AI technologies and the energy transition.

This approach reflects the growing economic footprint of the UK data centre industry, which currently contributes £4.7 billion in Gross Value Added (GVA) annually, a figure projected to rise to £44 billion by 2035. Unlocking the productivity and innovation gains associated with AI and data centres will be key for the UK’s global competitiveness. Yet the growth of this sector brings significant energy challenges. As one of the most energy-intensive industries, data centres demand not only increased capacity, but a cleaner, more reliable energy supply to keep compliant with many businesses’ own climate ambitions – as well as the government’s. The path to net zero must therefore keep pace with the evolving needs of the digital economy. A coordinated approach between the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero (DESNZ) and the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology (DSIT) will be fundamental in aligning energy and digital infrastructure planning.

Powering the AI transition

To help navigate these challenges, the government has established the AI Energy Council, a cross-sector forum of energy and technology leaders focused on ensuring the energy system can accommodate the explosive growth of AI. The Council has a dual remit: to guide infrastructure planning for AI-related growth, and to assess the more than 200 bids from local authorities vying for designation as AI Growth Zones – regions earmarked to become hubs for AI development and deployment. These zones sit at the intersection of energy policy and regional growth, dovetailing with the government’s broader devolution agenda, which aims to empower local leadership in strategic authorities to unlock economic potential.

The AI Energy Council has recognised that without targeted interventions in energy security and infrastructure, AI-led growth could stall. Ensuring a stable, clean, and scalable energy supply for AI-intensive industries is not just a technical challenge, but an economic one. Preventing energy-related bottlenecks will be key to enabling innovation across all sectors – from manufacturing and transport to healthcare and financial services. As the UK accelerates its clean energy transition, AI will not only be a consumer of energy but also a catalyst for smarter, more resilient energy systems. AI-enabled grid forecasting, predictive maintenance, and autonomous energy trading are already beginning to redefine how power is generated, distributed, and consumed.

Taken together, these developments mark a new phase in the UK’s industrial strategy – one where the convergence of clean energy and digital technology is central to the nation’s economic, environmental, and geopolitical goals. As such, AI and energy should not be seen as separate policy challenges, but as intertwined pillars of a modern, secure, and sustainable economy.

Little slack in the government’s decarbonisation tightrope, especially for transport

James Allan, Senior Adviser

The government is walking a decarbonisation tightrope. Nowhere is this clearer than in its approach to transport. As the net zero consensus is fracturing, most acutely under building pressure from the right of the British political system, onlookers will have noticed a few shifts in government policy impacting transport decarbonisation. This includes a watering down of the Zero Emissions Vehicle (ZEV) mandate and a previously unthinkable policy position on Heathrow expansion for a Labour cabinet. These are the perhaps inevitable concessions that have to be made in the face of a seemingly undeniable fact: decarbonising the transport sector entails an element of economic trade off.

These two decisions, measured against what Labour committed to in its election manifesto, throw into sharp relief a common critique of this government: that the manifesto’s language was sufficiently opaque to allow for a significant degree of wiggle room. Now in government, there is plenty of talk of change, but a continuing weakness on policy detail and substance, not least concerning transport decarbonisation.’

Understanding the rationale behind the government’s policy choices will be critical for businesses and investors looking to engage with ministers. As policy positioning subtly changes in government from bold rhetoric to balancing economic pragmatism with climate ambitions, sectors such as aviation, freight and automotive will need to recalibrate their expectations. Businesses will need multiple channels of influence as transport decarbonisation spans a range of policy areas, priorities and government departments. For the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero, the focus is clean energy by 2030; for the Department for Transport, it is rail nationalisation and infrastructure delivery.

Backing Heathrow expansion

Expanding Heathrow is a long way off despite the government’s recent support. Ministers have set out four tests for approval, including i) compatibility with the UK’s climate change targets, ii) mitigations to increases to noise pollution, iii) and air pollution, as well as iv) providing economic benefit to all parts of the UK, not just London and the South East. The fast-tracked review of the Airports National Policy Statement will provide substance to these four tests and commitments to sustainable aviation fuel (SAF) are expected to feature strongly when the refreshed policy statement is published later this year.

The justification is clear. The expansion of Heathrow, while mandating that the industry transitions to SAF (which is in short supply globally) is immensely costly and requires high levels of capital investment to deliver. To support the transition, the government is legislating for a revenue certainty mechanism that aims to de-risk and attract private investment into this nascent technology. It is the familiar carrot and stick approach to transport decarbonisation of mandate and incentives.

Mild tweaks to the ZEV mandate

The government’s tweaks to the ZEV mandate reinstated the 2030 target of banning the sale of internal combustion engine (ICE) cars but relaxed the rules around which vehicles can be sold until 2035, including hybrid vehicles and ICE vans, and introduced greater flexibilities for manufacturers. The mixed reaction from the automotive industry suggests that ministers may have struck a workable compromise – a willingness to trade speed for political and economic deliverability.

Key to pulling off the transition to EVs is scaling up the deployment of EV infrastructure and chargers. Consumer confidence to purchase and drive an EV across the country is an important precursor of the transition to EVs. A lack of publicly available chargepoints risks this and stokes the flames of range anxiety often cited as a major barrier to buying an EV vehicle. Government work toward mitigating this risk is chiefly being delivered through the Local EV Infrastructure (LEVI) Fund but buried deep within the spending review published in June was £400 million to support the roll out of charging infrastructure from 2026-27 to 2029-30.

Walking the government’s tightrope

For businesses and investors, the key message is that the government’s transport decarbonisation agenda is no longer linear, but layered, tactical and coloured by a degree pragmatism. Backing Heathrow and making tweaks to the ZEV mandate indicate that the terms of reference are not solely climate related but also economic. Labour’s policy decision making has shifted from the aspirational and broad ambitions set out in its manifesto, to a slow recalibration of understanding better the trade-offs involved. For investors looking to capitalise on transport decarbonisation and businesses operating in associated sectors, the implication is clear: aligning with the government’s transport decarbonisation goals now requires a credible case for job creation and economic growth and cost efficiency. Those that can anticipate and influence shifts in government thinking stand to benefit, while those that wait for clarity may be too late to adapt and overcome.

Contact Information

Contact: 020 7340 1150

Louise Allen // Senior Partner & Chief Executive // louise@gkstrategy.com

Scott Dodsworth // Senior Partner & Managing Director // scott@gkstrategy.com

Lizzie Wills // Senior Partner and Head of Private Equity // lizzie.wills@gkstrategy.com

Sam Tankard // Senior Associate // sam@gkstrategy.com